By Madleine CarrWhite, Massey Journalism Student

A United States Coast Guard icebreaker has sailed into Wellington harbour after working with New Zealand in Antarctica.

The USGC Polar Star, celebrating its 50th year of service, has operated in Antarctica for the past 55 days resupplying New Zealand’s Scott Base, among other duties.

Two New Zealand sailors joined the American crew to participate in this year’s Polar Star’s deployment, Operation Deep Freeze.

Polar Star cuts channels through thick ice, creating access for ships to reach Antarctic research stations and bases.

David Gehrenbeck, the US Charge d’Affaires, said the arrival of the ship highlights the relationship between the United States and New Zealand.

“Each time Polar Star arrives in Wellington, it’s a reminder of the strong partnership and shared commitment between the United States and New Zealand in Antarctica,” he said.

“Royal New Zealand Navy sea riders have become an integral part of these missions. Their expertise and upbeat approach are always appreciated by everyone on board.”

Earlier this year marked the end of a multi-year effort between New Zealand and the United States, with the Polar Star delivering a new pier for scientific research at McMurdo Station.

Gehrenbeck said that the ship’s mission involves more than supporting scientific research.

“It’s about making sure people and supplies can move safely, so our hard-working teams are supported and research at the bottom of the world never stops.”

In January, the Polar Star crew performed a six-hour rescue operation for the cruise ship Scenic Eclipse II, which was trapped in ice near McMurdo Sound.

Over the past decade, the ship has regularly docked in New Zealand when sailing to and from Antarctica.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

China is warning that alliances will likely escalate rather than de-escalate tensions and “spread rather than limit the conflicts”.

The warning delivered by its ambassador in a hardhitting speech on geopolitics in Wellington on Thursday came as New Zealand was getting closer to Australia and Australia was getting closer to the United States on defence.

The speech closely followed China accusing the trans-Tasman allies of “arrogance” in a clash over military manouevres.

That in turn came on the heels of the allies releasing a new ‘Operationalising our Alliance’ joint statement aimed at “being able to operate seamlessly as an increasingly integrated, combat capable Anzac force by 2035”.

Canberra for its part under a separate alliance was “committed to deepening cooperation through accelerating and expanding joint defence initiatives, shared investments in new capabilities and industrial base integration” with the US.

This all came a few weeks after US President Donald Trump announced a big shift in how his administration would sell weapons.

Gone was what his directive called the “partner-first arms sales approach”, newly arriving was an “America First” arms export strategy, where allies would be encouraged to buy US-made weapons as an explicit powerful foreign policy tool that prioritised partners “that have invested in their own self-defense and have a critical role or geography for executing the National Security Strategy”.

‘I haven’t seen New Zealand miss out’

Would the new ‘America First’ priority partner list impact New Zealand? It had favoured status in Anzac, ANZUS and Five Eyes, but is not part of AUKUS.

RNZ put that question to L3 Harris, a top 10 US defence contractor that just did a billion-plus-dollar partnership to add missile rocket motors to the US “arsenal of freedom”; signed a defence collaboration deal with Saudi Arabia last month; and supplied advanced comms gear to the NZ navy and army.

“In my career, I haven’t seen New Zealand miss out because they weren’t perfectly aligned with the way that the administrations have played,” said Alan Clements, L3 Harris vice president for Australia and New Zealand.

“Never once have I heard, either when I was in the military or outside the military, that New Zealand was to be excluded from anything.

“Yes, there’s policies … but there are also carve-outs for that, there are waivers.

“From our company perspective, nothing that’s been said inside those policy settings has stopped us being able to work with New Zealand and deliver capability with New Zealand.”

The country was not part of AUKUS Pillar Two – a military tech sharing arrangement for Australia, the US and UK – but was not missing out, Clements said. “New Zealand wouldn’t miss out because New Zealand being part of the Five Eyes [intelligence grouping] would be able to get access to that as we go.”

Share and share alike

In Australia, defence media reports had foreseen “major implications” from Trump’s America First arms move.

It beholdened the Pentagon to put a MAGA lens over the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) programme, which was the place where New Zealand went arms shopping. The government began talks under the FMS last August to buy $2 billion of naval Seahawk helicopters.

The Seahawk deal showed how the closer the three militaries got, the closer they were likely to get. “The Seahawk helicopter, operated by Australia and the United States, is the preferred helicopter,” an aide memoire to Cabinet last year.

“The ability to leverage American and Australian supply chains and through-life support arrangements … makes this the most cost-effective and durable helicopter. It means Defence does not need to fund the integration and certification of essential military equipment and systems” – plus aircrew would be interchangeable.

Clements said the defence industries on either side of the Tasman had to align to rein in costs by preventing double up.

“We are now seeing more and more that we’re working closer together, particularly when it comes to capability alignment.”

L3 Harris had seven people working in New Zealand, compared with over 500 across the Tasman.

“But we work with other New Zealand companies and they do the work either as a subcontractor or sometimes as a prime for us where we try to build that capacity and capability within New Zealand itself, rather than import.”

‘Entanglements’

In the higher, weightier world of geopolitical alliances, who was in control?

China’s ambassador Wang Xiaolong warned on Thursday that alliances were “entanglements” where everyone would end up less secure.

“The next non-solution I want to debunk is military alliances, which we believe is, often a de-stabiliser rather than a stabiliser for the world.

“These alliances, by definition and by design, are meant to win wars rather than to keep the peace,” he told the Wellington Club.

Defence Minister Judith Collins, asked by RNZ on Thursday where the line was within increased integration, given Australia’s different positions, say, on nukes or the Iran war, said those were foreign policy differences, not defence.

“There’s no risk to our independence,” said Collins.

The existing “enormous” defence integration with Australia went both ways.

“The biggest risk to our independence is to not be closely connected to Australia,” she said.

The 2035 joint statement mentioned “sovereignty” six times.

‘Rocket diplomacy’

The statement also made clear the Anzacs would be using the same weapons more and more; by 2035 the two would “deploy increasingly integrated and interchangeable units”.

Australia and the US would be, too. Canberra recently signed on to spend over $20 billion with the Pentagon and contractor Lockheed to co-produce guided weapons – what Politico called “rocket diplomacy”.

The track to human-machine integation was also becoming well beaten. The US Army planned to deploy its first Human Machine Integrated Formation (HMIF) platoons by 2027, while the NZDF in its new long-term insights briefing made “human-machine teaming” one of four themes.

It was not just about sharing weapons at the pointy end either, but also the data-crunching AI systems behind them that the NZDF told MPs last week would become the number one force multiplier.

AI allowed command-and-control to be integated like never before on the battlefield. The NZDF was experimenting with this in US-led multinational exercises.

Clements said New Zealand’s stance and defence capability plan meant the country would probably want to head down the path of aligning command and control with their allies and partners, in particular Australia.

“That alignment with command and control is important for both countries.

“Australia has gone down a particular path with its command and control, and it aligns and the services have aligned slightly with the way the US do things.

“Those systems that are actually currently being used are not L3 Harris systems at the moment. But if there was an opportunity where they were looking at doing something new, then absolutely.”

Lower level control of, say, a drone could be programmed to “put constraints around what it goes to do, where it looks, [where] the information goes.

“So you can absolutely put constraints around that,” said Clements. Once the data went up to a higher level, that would be a different system.

So, L3 Harris’s product Amorphous that controlled of swams of land, sea and air drones all at once, could be controlled at the frontline, and a separate system sit behind it where the bigger targeting decisions were made.

Lethality on order?

One shift by Collins had been to order Defence to become more lethal.

Defence has been holding ‘early-days’ workshops with contractors to get ideas about drones and the like.

Was the NZDF asking for more lethal and autonomous weapons now?

“I’m not aware of them asking for that from us directly at the moment,” said Clements.

“But yes, as a defence organisation, we will develop capability using all the tools that we currently have to meet the requirements of the lethality requirements of the Defence Force.

“But often we’re not in there trying to beat a door down and say, ‘You need to buy this piece of kit’.

“It’s looking at what they’re doing from a full structure and then having a conversation about, ‘Do you think this would help you in what you do?’”

While Clements has stressed how “autonomy, AI-enabled sensing and unmanned systems” were transforming military capabilities, he told RNZ that autonomy was not a prerequisite for the huge gains in precision and humans could be first in the loop – “at the beginning to hit the button”.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Police searching for a missing man in Lake Manapouri over the past week, have recovered a body on Thursday.

Last Saturday, around 6.15pm, police were told a man had fallen overboard from a vessel 1km offshore in Lake Manapouri.

While formal identification is yet to take place, police believe it is likely to be the missing man.

Police Search and Rescue and the Police Dive Squad, assisted by the Royal New Zealand Navy, conducted extensive searches of the lake and surrounding areas over the last few days.

Today, the Police Dive Squad and the New Zealand Navy recovered the man’s body from the lake.

Sergeant Alun Griffiths said officers have offered their condolences to the man’s family.

“I would also like to thank all those involved in the search – we are especially grateful for the assistance of the New Zealand Defence Force in providing specialist expertise that allowed this extended search to be concluded,” he said.

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By Aaron Blake, CNN

Analysis – Top Trump administration officials testified publicly on Thursday (NZT) for the first time since the launch of the Iran war three weeks ago.

Officials including Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, CIA Director John Ratcliffe and FBI Director Kash Patel testified in front of the Senate Intelligence Committee, where they were pressed on the administration’s often-confusing and contradictory claims about the Iran war and the underlying intelligence.

The testimony came a day after the director of the National Counterterrorism Center, Joe Kent, became the highest-profile Trump administration official to resign over the war. Kent did so while suggesting the administration had lied about Iran posing an imminent threat.

Here’s what to know from Wednesday’s hearing:

Intel officials contradicted or failed to back up Trump’s biggest claims about the war

The biggest question going into the hearing was what these officials would say about the Trump administration’s many dubious claims about the Iran war. These officials see the intelligence after all, and they were testifying under penalty of perjury.

Wednesday (local time), they repeatedly either contradicted Trump and the administration’s claims or failed to back them up.

On Iran’s nuclear program, Trump has stated that Iran had “attempted to rebuild their nuclear program” after his June strikes on that program, and he said in his State of the Union address last month that they were “starting it all over.”

White House adviser Steve Witkoff went further, saying Iran was “probably a week away from having industrial-grade bomb-making material.” And the White House has cited an “imminent nuclear threat” posed by Iran.

But Gabbard in her prepared opening statement told a far different tale.

“As a result of Operation Midnight Hammer (in June), Iran’s nuclear enrichment program was obliterated,” she said. “There has been no efforts since then to try to rebuild their enrichment capability.”

Gabbard notably did not read this portion of her opening statement. When pressed on why, she said it was because her “time was running long.”

When asked by Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff of Georgia whether that remained the assessment of the intelligence community, she said, “Yes.”

Also in his State of the Union address, Trump claimed Iran was building intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) that would “soon reach the United States of America.”

But that’s not what US intelligence has said. And Gabbard in her prepared statement reiterated a previous assessment that Iran “could use” existing technology “to begin to develop a militarily viable ICBM before 2035 should Tehran attempt to pursue that capability.” Gabbard said that assessment would be updated in light of the current war.

When Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman Tom Cotton of Arkansas cited other analysts’ estimates that Iran could have had an ICBM “to threaten the United States in as few as six months,” Ratcliffe declined to put a date range on it.

Ratcliffe instead said Cotton was right to be concerned, and that “if left unimpeded … they would have the ability to range missiles to the continental US.”

But he did not echo the six-month timeframe – or Trump’s claim that it could be “soon.”

And lastly, Gabbard also would not back up Trump’s claim this week that no experts had predicted Iran would respond to being attacked by attacking its Gulf neighbours. In fact, Iran has spoken publicly about that possibility, and it was no secret.

When Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon asked about Trump’s claim, Gabbard avoided directly answering the question.

When pressed by Democratic Vice Chairman Mark Warner of Virginia, Gabbard said she wasn’t “aware of those remarks” and declined to say whether she briefed Trump on the possibility – citing “internal conversations.”

The very mixed signals on Iran as an ‘imminent’ threat

Perhaps the central issue is a more subjective one – whether Iran posed an “imminent” threat that warranted going to war.

The Trump administration has offered a series of different reasons why that was the case, many of which haven’t withstood scrutiny.

Kent in his resignation letter said Iran did not pose such an imminent threat. And afterward Gabbard – who before joining the administration strongly opposed war with Iran – issued a carefully worded statement in which she didn’t pass judgement on the claim herself. She instead cast it as Trump’s call to decide whether the threat was “imminent.”

But that in and of itself was remarkable – Trump’s own DNI declining to call the threat “imminent,” in the judgement of herself or the intel community.

The hearing didn’t provide too much evidence that the intelligence showed an imminent threat.

The testimony about Iran’s nuclear intentions and ICBM program didn’t suggest those were imminent threats.

When asked by Ossoff whether the intelligence showed an “imminent nuclear threat,” Gabbard responded, “The only person who can determine what is and is not a threat is the president.”

“It is not the intelligence community’s responsibility to determine what is and is not an imminent threat,” Gabbard maintained.

Ossoff rejected Gabbard’s stance, saying making such independent determinations was in fact the job of the intelligence community.

In his own comments, Ratcliffe reflected on Iranian-backed attacks on Americans in the region and said it has long posed an “immediate” threat.

“I think Iran has been a constant threat to the United States for an extended period of time and posed an immediate threat at this time,” Ratcliffe said.

Ratcliffe was also asked about whether he disagreed with Kent about Iran’s capabilities, and he said, “I do.”

But the exchange largely focused not on Iranian attacks on the US homeland, but rather attacks on Americans in the Middle East, including via Iran’s proxy groups.

And none of the witnesses described Iran as an “imminent” threat to the United States, in their own words.

Democrats didn’t dwell on Kent

While Kent’s resignation was major news, the Democrats on the committee declined to lean too hard on his account.

Warner brought up Kent’s claim about there being no imminent threat early in the hearing. Later, Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas asked Ratcliffe about whether he disagreed with Kent.

But the hearing didn’t get into the nitty-gritty of Kent’s claims, including his meeting before he resigned with Gabbard and Vice President JD Vance, both of whom have also been reluctant to vocally support the Iran war.

So why did Kent get short shrift?

Part of the reason could be that Democrats were wary of aligning themselves too much with him. Kent has a history of associating with extremists on the right, and his resignation letter accused Israel of being behind not just the Iran war, but also the Iraq war and the Syrian civil war.

Trump’s allies have criticised the political left for leaning so heavily on Kent’s account.

Democrats on Wednesday seemed to reason that they could get at the crux of Kent’s resignation without invoking him personally.

Gabbard provides little clarity on Fulton County search

It’s not as current an issue as the Iran war, but Gabbard’s presence at an FBI search of a Fulton County, Georgia, elections office two months ago raised more than a few eyebrows. And given concerns about the Trump administration’s activities vis-à-vis the 2026 midterm elections, it’s likely we’ll hear more about it.

The administration struggled mightily to explain why Gabbard, whose purview generally involves foreign threats, was present at the search. The search itself was controversial, too, given the affidavit used to get the search warrant recycled a series of dubious and debunked claims about the 2020 election.

Gabbard initially said Trump sent her. But then the White House distanced itself, with Trump saying Attorney General Pam Bondi had sent Gabbard (“she went at Pam’s insistence”) and that he didn’t even know why Gabbard was there. Then Gabbard claimed both Trump and Bondi had sent her, but Bondi declined to confirm it.

The situation remained clear as mud after Wednesday’s (local time) hearing.

Gabbard reiterated that she was at the Fulton County search “at the request of the president.”

Gabbard declined to say how Trump conveyed this request to her, but she said he asked her to “help oversee” the search.

But when Warner pressed her on why Trump would be involved or even aware of an FBI search, Gabbard suggested it was possible Trump wasn’t aware of the details behind the search.

– CNN

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

A multi-agency Search and Rescue training exercise is scheduled this weekend, police said, in the Tekapo region.

Lake Tekapo will host Operation Oasis between Friday and Sunday, “a complex, multi-phase scenario designed to test search techniques, field skills, and fatigue management in realistic conditions”.

It will involve more than 200 specialists from across Canterbury, including members of Police, Coastguard, Surf Life Saving New Zealand, Land Search and Rescue, Amateur Radio Emergency Communications, Alpine Rescue Canterbury, Hato Hone St John, and the Defence Force.

“Members of the public will see increased activity in the area, with use of helicopters, boats, and Search and Rescue personnel and equipment,” police said.

“This is a planned, routine training exercise and the public should not be alarmed.”

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Police searching for the missing man in Lake Manapouri over the past week, have this morning recovered a body.

On Saturday 14 March, around 6.15pm, Police received a report that a man had fallen overboard from a vessel approximately 1km offshore in Lake Manapouri.

While formal identification is yet to take place, Police believe it is likely to be the missing man.

Police Search and Rescue and the Police Dive Squad, with assistance from the Royal New Zealand Navy, conducted extensive searches of the lake and surrounding areas over the past few days.

Today, the Police Dive Squad and the New Zealand Navy recovered the man’s body from the lake.

“Police extend our deepest condolences to the man’s family during this difficult time,” says Sergeant Alun Griffiths.

“I would also like to thank all those involved in the search – we are especially grateful for the assistance of the New Zealand Defence Force in providing specialist expertise that allowed this extended search to be concluded,” he says.

ENDS

Issued by Police Media Centre

MIL OSI

Rocket Lab has won a US$190 million (NZ$327m) contract from the United States Department of War, formerly the Department of Defence, for a series of hypersonic test flights using its HASTE launch vehicle.

It is the largest single contract in the NZ-founded company’s history and lifts its total order backlog to more than US$2 billion (NZ$3.44b).

The four‑year agreement covers 20 test flights of Rocket Lab’s Hypersonic Accelerator Suborbital Test Electron (HASTE) rocket, a modified version of its Electron launcher designed to carry suborbital payloads of up to 700 kilograms at speeds above Mach 5.

The launches will be carried out under the Multi‑Service Advanced Capability Hypersonic Test Bed (MACH‑TB) 2.0 programme – a partnership between the Department of War and the Naval Surface Warfare Centre Crane Division that aims to accelerate hypersonic flight testing and related technologies.

Rocket Lab has already conducted several HASTE missions since 2023 under the MACH‑TB programme.

Rocket Lab founder and chief executive Sir Peter Beck said the expanded partnership with the Department of War and MACH‑TB would help strengthen US national security by providing rapid and affordable hypersonic testing.

“Our advanced technology, responsive launch schedules, and mass production of our HASTE hypersonic rockets are enabling faster progress across a range of hypersonic experiments by our government and industry partners,” he said.

Sir Peter described the new deal as “another proud moment for the team that builds the strength and resiliency of the United States’ aerospace efforts”.

The contract takes Rocket Lab’s launch backlog to 70 missions, and the company has sold 28 launches in the first quarter of 2026 – almost as many as it sold during the whole of 2025.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Police would like to advise the Tekapo community of a multi-agency Search and Rescue training exercise taking place this week.

From Friday 20 March to Sunday 22 March, Lake Tekapo will be hosting Operation Oasis, a complex, multi-phase scenario designed to test search techniques, field skills, and fatigue management in realistic conditions.

Over 200 Search and Rescue specialists from across the Canterbury District will be taking part in the exercise from Police, Coastguard, Surf Life Saving New Zealand, Land Search and Rescue, Amateur Radio Emergency Communications, Alpine Rescue Canterbury, Hato Hone St John, and the New Zealand Defence Force.

Members of the public will see increased activity in the area, with use of helicopters, boats, and Search and Rescue personnel and equipment.

This is a planned, routine training exercise and the public should not be alarmed.

We appreciate and thank the community for their understanding and support as our teams work to maintain and enhance their capability to respond to emergencies.

ENDS

Issued by Police Media Centre

MIL OSI

A week since a two-year harvesting ban on the Hauraki Gulf coast in north Auckland came into force, no fines have been handed out.

It is now illegal to take seaweed, shellfish, and other rockpool sea life from intertidal zones along the Whangaparāoa Peninsula, and further north at Kawau Bay and Ōmaha Bay.

Fisheries north regional manager Andre Espinoza said officers had “educational discussions” with six groups who were planning to harvest at the newly protected beaches this past week.

All were cooperative and unaware of the rules.

“You’re always going to have a few people who are unaware,” Espinoza said.

“There’ll be a very small minority that will just continue doing it anyway, and they’re the ones that are very much of interest to fishery officers.”

He said they had several conversations with people about taking seaweed.

“After a big storm, and seaweed has been washed up, you can take it if it’s above the high water mark. If it’s below the high water mark, it’s prohibited to take.

“People who take seaweed are across the spectrum, pretty much all ethnicities. People use it for gardening and various purposes.

“Seaweed has its place in the ecosystem, so it’s really important everyone sticks to the rules so we can see recovery faster.”

He said racism, particularly targeting Asian communities, has been troubling.

“Some bus tour groups intercepted by very passionate locals looking to do the right thing were church groups, not there to gather shellfish but for a picnic. But because they were of a certain ethnic group, they’ve been challenged for being at that beach.

“There is a very small minority who take it too far and judge people based on their race. We have on a number of occasions had complaints saying a certain ethnic group has arrived at the beach, they must be doing something wrong.

“It’s something that I really struggle with on a personal level, the profiling and dehumanisation.”

He said Fisheries was focused on educating, not shaming. About 60 signs have been put up in the area, and the new rules are being promoted on social media platforms, including Facebook, RedNote, and Sky Kiwi.

He encouraged people to report any suspected illegal activity through the appropriate channels.

Protect Whangaparāoa Rockpools founder Mark Lenton said people using the rockpool issue to voice hate speech was shameful.

“It doesn’t help the cause. It doesn’t help the credibility,” Lenton said.

“Blaming any single ethnicity for what’s going on is just plain stupid.”

He believed it would take more than two years for the rockpools to recover and that it would be a long-term commitment.

“We need to discourage the promotion of this term called beachcombing, which actively encourages people to go to a beach and take whatever they can find whenever they can find it.

“That’s the attitude we need to shift, and that also is done through targeted education.”

Chief executive of the Ngāti Manuhiri Settlement Trust, Nicola MacDonald, applied for the ban. She said beaches were for everybody.

“It is not a vigilante witch-hunting exercise, because nobody wins out of that.

“People who may be indulging in harvesting like that will continue to take those practices elsewhere and harvest in areas that may not be protected, and we don’t want that.”

She called for more education, which was inclusive of Aotearoa’s diverse communities, so everyone could understand why people were concerned about the amount being taken from rockpools.

“We want people to understand these are species that we absolutely protect so that our children, our next generations, don’t have dead oceans.”

Sir Peter Blake Marine Education and Recreation Centre general manager Yuin Khai Foong agreed that education was crucial to protect marine life across the country.

“We have this displacement effect that kind of says, well, if we can’t collect here, then a very natural and understandable human response to that is to go somewhere else. That’s because legislation has boundaries.

“Education doesn’t really have boundaries. So it’s a really good complement to legislation, if we understand why the legislation had to be put into place and why the marine ecosystem is so important.

“It’s about people understanding what a rockpool actually is, what the species are, how they work together, how the whole ecosystem functions, and that the health of the ocean ultimately is going to impact the health of humans.”

But he said a kind approach was needed to raise awareness.

“As a migrant from Southeast Asia, a lot of my views on conservation have been through fundamentally my parents, understanding why we made the move to New Zealand and how special New Zealand is as a country and celebrating all those things.

“And then having the lived experience that I’ve had of engaging in natural spaces and engaging in the ocean, reinforced why our country is so special and why it’s so important that we take care of it.

“If we don’t take care of it, we’ll lose it.”

Meanwhile, Luella Bartlett, from the community group Protect Piha Rockpools, said harvesting on Auckland’s West Coast had not slowed down, and a similar ban was desperately needed for places like Muriwai, Bethells, and Piha.

She said if harvesting continued at its current rate, they would not only lose species like green shell mussels, but the snapper that fed on them.

Racism had also been an issue there.

“People are making assumptions that aren’t necessarily true. It’s causing huge social problems.”

She said a two-year ban was their best course of action, and her group had been talking to the local iwi about applying for one.

Suspected illegal harvesting or fishing activity can be reported to the toll-free HOTLINE at 0800-4-Poacher (0800-476-224).

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

author:rnz digital reporters_]

The Chinese Embassy says New Zealand and Australia’s recent comments on China are unwarranted and inappropriate, accusing the nations of “inexplicable colonial-style arrogance”.

Australian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence Richard Marles and Minister for Foreign Affairs Penny Wong hosted New Zealand Minister of Defence Judith Collins Minister of Foreign Affairs Hon Winston Peters MP on 17 March in Canberra.

Earlier this month, Australia raised concerns with China after what it called an “unsafe and unprofessional” close call between two military helicopters.

In a joint statement on Tuesday, the two defence ministers called behaviour by China in the South China Sea “unsafe and unprofessional”.

They “reiterated concerns about the intensification of destabilising activities and instances of unsafe and unprofessional behaviour by China in the South China Sea”

Ministers also expressed concerns about human rights violations in Xinjiang and Tibet, and Hong Kong authorities’ targeting of pro-democracy activists within Hong Kong and overseas.

The embassy said it firmly denied the allegations. It says those issues are China’s internal affairs and they would not accept international interference.

New Zealand and Australian ministers also called on China to use its influence to stop Russia’s war on Ukraine.

“The statement overlooks the root cause of the ongoing military actions in the Middle East conducted in blatant violation of international law and the basic norms governing international relations, which have resulted in civilian casualties and disruptions to the global economy,” a spokesperson for the embassy said.

“It also remains silent on the two countries’ own poor records concerning human rights and ethnic minority issues.

“Instead, it contains unwarranted, inappropriate, and extensive comments on China’s internal affairs. As a Chinese saying goes, one should first ensure one’s own conduct is beyond reproach before criticising others.”

The embassy blamed other nations for tensions in the South China Sea, reiterating China’s claim over Taiwan.

“A small number of extra-regional countries have travelled vast distances to the South China Sea to engage in shows of force and deliberately stoke tensions under various untenable pretexts, thereby serving as a primary source of instability in the region.”

The embassy said the comments damaged the countries’ relationships with China.

“We urge the New Zealand side to take a clear-eyed view of the prevailing situation, to approach China’s development and the China-New Zealand relationship in an objective and impartial manner, and to work in the same direction as China – doing more to build mutual trust and advance practical cooperation.”

Collins brushed off China’s comments.

“When China sent its task group down to the Tasman Sea, circumnavigated Australia as well, did live firing, interrupted… around 50 civilian flights to New Zealand, we upheld China’s right to use international law, the UN Convention [on] the Law of the Sea, to be in that area,” she told Morning Report on Thursday.

“And what we’ve simply said is, ‘Please give us more notice if you’re doing low firings, because civilians don’t like…having to be diverted like that.’ It’s very similar in terms of the Australian recent transit that they did up north.

“They were very concerned about some of the behaviour towards them. I think it’s always important to avoid miscalculation when it comes to aircraft, ships, and people.”

She was not concerned about being called names, saying she had been “called a lot of names in politics”.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

A NZ-born man who is facing deportation from the US – after living there for more than half his life and serving in the US Marine Corps – says he has no links to New Zealand and “no connection to that way of life”.

Paul Canton was a Marine for seven years and has built a life in Florida, where his children have grown up.

But after 36 years living in the US, a judge has denied his bid to stay – because he has never had US citizenship.

Born in New Zealand and raised in Australia, he first visited the US as an exchange student and enlisted in the Marines in the early 1990s.

“I feel like I’m fully bonded to it, I mean I love this country. It’s a way of life that is so unique and so beautiful,” he said.

“When I joined the military, to me that was one of the best times. Everyone who was serving with us, we all loved the country.”

Canton was born in a decade that automatically means he has birthright citizenship in New Zealand. He is in his 50s and that applies to anyone born in Aotearoa before 2006.

His Australian citizenship was revoked when he joined the US marines. At the time military service did not require recruits to be permanent residents.

Canton said he was promised US citizenship if he served and was discharged honourably, which he did in 1998.

It was only when renewing his drivers licence years later that he discovered that had not happened.

“The first time I found out I figured somebody failed to do the paperwork so I just [thought] okay I’ll just go down and fill out a few forms and we’ll be done.”

That was about a decade ago, and Canton soon found out it was not that straightforward to fix, despite being married to an American citizen – his wife passed away three years ago.

He then hired a lawyer and spent years trying to navigate the immigration system. In February after many lost appeals, a judge denied citizenship.

Canton said he has no links to New Zealand – his family moved to Australia about 50 years ago, when he was five years old.

“I have no connection to that way of life, I wouldn’t even know where to go or what to do and it’s so unique to live here in America. It’s a wonderful place to raise your kids.”

Attorney Elizabeth Ricci has represented him pro-bono for six years and said it was a complicated case.

Canton had voted, believing he was a US citizen, and that was now a barrier to citizenship.

“He was honourably discharged, he did four years active, four years reserve, believed himself to be a US citizen so he registered to vote and voted,” Ricci said.

“The rule about voting [and citizenship] changed in 1996 and if you voted or registered to vote after that rule changed, there’s now no waiver available for you to be eligible for you to naturalise, ever.”

Canton’s eligibility to gain US citizenship through the marines was linked to when he served. He had enlisted in 1991 just weeks before the Persian Gulf conflict ended.

Ricci said because his active service began after the conflict had ended, he was denied citizenship based on his military experience.

“The rule is that if you served during that period you could go from undocumented to citizen, so clearly enough people were serving in our military undocumented that they had to even make that rule. But the rule only applied for active duty.”

Ricci said they were now hoping for political intervention.

“We now need a special Bill through Congress or for the President to do something. He [Canton] has written several letters to both [then president Joe] Biden and [President Donald] Trump asking for intervention and has gotten no response.”

Ricci said he could be served with a notice to appear at Immigration Court in Orlando with a hearing weeks, months or years away, due to millions of backlogged cases.

The Department of Internal Affairs confirmed anyone born in New Zealand before the start of 2006 automatically is a New Zealand citizen.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

By Talissa Siganto, ABC

A man accused of killing his partner and baby daughter in Logan, south of Brisbane, was suffering a “schizoaffective disorder”, a court has heard.

The bodies of 37-year-old Kate Paterson and 11-month-old April were found dead inside a Belivah home last week.

At the time, police said they had initially attended the residence after a man who lived there, Blake Seers, had been hit by a car nearby at Bannockburn.

Seers, 38, was taken to hospital and yesterday was charged with two counts of domestic violence murder.

RNZ understands Seers is from New Zealand.

On Wednesday, defence lawyer Nicholas Andrews appeared in court on Seers’s behalf.

“Mr Seers is currently in custody under police watch in hospital,” he said.

Andrews asked for the matter to be moved to Beenleigh and said his client would need to seek a mental health assessment once transferred to a remand centre.

“I should also just place on record Mr Seers has a diagnosed schizoaffective disorder,” he said.

The matter was adjourned until next week.

Outside court, Andrews said it was a “sensitive matter”.

“Our thoughts are with those who’ve been affected by this tragedy,” he said.

“At times like this, I just need to remind myself that there is a job to do.”

“It’s currently progressing through the courts and there’s some mental health considerations here.”

-ABC with additional reporting by RNZ

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

New Zealand’s Foreign Minister Winston Peters and Defence Minister Judith Collins will land in Canberra for the third iteration of the Australia and New Zealand Foreign and Defence Ministers’ Meeting (ANZMIN) this week.

“Winston Peters and Judith Collins along with Australia’s Foreign Minister Penny Wong and Defence Minister Richard Marles must take the opportunity to condemn the US and Israeli for the illegal war on Iran that was launched two weeks ago,” said Valerie Morse of Peace Action Wellington.

“These Ministers must issue clear statements that neither will provide any assistance to the US and Israeli war. There should be sanctions imposed, while military deployments and training alongside the US should be cancelled. Anything less than that is a capitulation to two genocidal criminals.”

“So far, both the NZ government and Australian government appear to be singing from the same song sheet of talking points, claiming that it is up to the US and Israel to make their case. That is completely cowardice and complicity. These Ministers need to start being honest about what this war is about: an aggressive war for power and regional supremacy
waged by two nuclear weapons states against a non-nuclear power during ongoing negotiations. The mask has well and truly been ripped off US and Israeli claims of any moral legitimacy whatsoever. These are rogue states and should be treated like the pariah that they are.”

“People across the globe are already utterly revolted by Israel’s relentless assault on the people of Gaza in its two plus year long genocide. Now, Israel’s leader Binyamin Netanyahu has convinced US President Trump to wage war on Iran – that has resulted in countries across the region being bombed and mass death. It has set us on a path to world war three as there is no end in sight.”

Peace Action Wellington will host a peace vigil on Thursday, 19 March at 5:30pm at the Cenotaph in Wellington.

MIL OSI

[Joint Statement delivered at the Australia – New Zealand Foreign and Defence Ministerial Consultations, Canberra 17 March 2026]

At approximately 4:30am on the 25^th of April 1915, the first ANZAC landing at Gallipoli forged a bond unlike any other; changing the Australian and New Zealand relationship forever. Since then, Australians and New Zealanders have served and fought 
side-by-side with selflessness, courage, perseverance, and mateship, to defend our freedom, our values, and uphold a peaceful world. 

This year we celebrate the 75^th anniversary of the formal establishment of the Alliance in the 1951 ANZUS Treaty, and reflect on the legacy of 111 years of Anzac history. Our Alliance continues to underpin the defence relationship between New Zealand and Australia. Australia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence Richard Marles and New Zealand’s Minister of Defence Judith Collins KC today reaffirm our formal commitments to each other as allies. We share a long history grounded in democratic values, an enduring commitment to multilateralism and international law, and our collective commitment to a peaceful, stable and prosperous Indo-Pacific region. 

Anzac 2035 Vision

The Australian and New Zealand Defence Forces are operationalising our Alliance with a vision of being able to operate seamlessly as an increasingly integrated, combat capable Anzac force by 2035, while remaining respectful of our status as two sovereign countries. In the face of a sharply deteriorating security environment, we must be ready to meet the security threats we face today and in the future.

Operationalising our Alliance builds on the significant work to date to strengthen integration. Our two militaries are building deep interoperability and interchangeability, including through common procurement and development of platforms and systems, where it makes sense to do so. We will be force multipliers for each other and combine our military forces in defence of our sovereignty, shared interests, and common values, and territory.

Operationalising our Alliance includes lines of effort across force posture activities, combined operations and exercises, preparedness, defence industry integration, resilience, and Pacific security as ways to protect our sovereignty and uphold regional security. 

Line of Effort One – Force Posture Activities

Further enhancing our ability to train and operate from each other’s territory strengthens our ability to respond to the threat of conflict and the prospect of coercion. Force posture cooperation enables us to project force to deter actions contrary to the security of our region and respond to crises. Our cooperation to monitor military activities in our region in 2025 demonstrated our ability to work together in pursuit of shared objectives. Deepening force posture cooperation will bolster our interoperability, our Alliance and collective deterrence. 

By 2035, we will:

• Enhance force posture cooperation, including rotational activities in, from, and through our respective geographies, where this is in each countries’ national interest; and
• Scope ways to increase Australia and New Zealand’s participation in each other’s force posture activities and force posture activities of our partners.
• Establish and use an Australia-New Zealand Force Posture Working Group to develop recommendations to advance force posture cooperation.

Line of Effort Two – Combined Operations and Exercises

Australia and New Zealand’s combined operations and exercises in the Indo-Pacific are an important contribution to deterring potential threats and promoting a stable, resilient region in which international rules are respected. Increasing the complexity of our combined operations and exercises will mean that by 2035, we will be able to increasingly integrate our forces should the need arise. 

By 2035, we will:

• Operate and exercise as a more integrated Anzac force alongside other allies and partners;
• Deploy increasingly integrated and interchangeable units to achieve our 2024 Closer Defence Relations Shared Defence Objectives;
• Further strengthen combined mission planning, combat readiness, and synchronisation mechanisms, including through the presence of embedded staff in each other’s strategic and operational headquarters;
• Exercise and plan for a range of potential crises and contingencies, including through Exercise TALISMAN SABRE; and
• Procure and employ common and complementary capabilities on our exercises and operations, including strike capabilities in a variety of domains, autonomous systems, maritime and air platforms and equipment, and land systems, where it makes sense to do so.

Lines of Effort Three, Four and Five – Force Preparedness, Resilience and Defence Industry Integration

Modern conflicts reinforce the need to be able to sustain military operations over time, and to have the resilience and industrial depth to support those operations. This also means building our collective capabilities and self-reliance within our Alliance construct. Cooperation across preparedness, resilience and defence industry is critical for us to generate and sustain the ability to achieve our 2024 Closer Defence Relations Shared Defence Objectives, drive cost-effective solutions, build resilience into our respective supply chains, and develop cutting-edge technologies. 

By 2035, we will:

• Build understanding of our respective and collective force readiness that underpins our ability to generate military power;
• Foster Australian and New Zealand sovereign capabilities and industries where possible to leverage our respective cutting-edge technology development;
• Reduce barriers to defence industry participation in our respective industries and build connections across our defence industry representative bodies;
• Increase resilience of our sovereign industrial bases and supply chains to increase self-reliance to better support our shared defence needs; 
• When it makes sense to do so, explore opportunities to co-develop, co-produce, and co-sustain common capabilities further entrenching our ability to act together in support of shared interests;
• Leverage Australian and New Zealand sovereign capability and sustainment services to increase shared logistics and sustainment (eg C-130J and P-8A), which provide redundancy for our respective defence forces; and
• Optimise collective training, education, exchanges and attachments to focus on common operating platforms. 

Line of Effort Six – Pacific Security

New Zealand and Australia are Pacific nations. Our security is inextricably linked with the security of the broader Pacific region. Recognising our shared geography and the importance of our defence relationships with our Pacific partners, we will continue to support combined operations and exercises in the Pacific. We will work through the region’s security architecture to continue delivering Pacific-led solutions to regional security challenges and enhance our collective capabilities. 

By 2035, we will:

• Increase Pacific defence force interoperability across a range of military tasks, with a focus on embedding the Pacific Response Group as a regional asset that enables more effective co-deployments in times of need, such as disaster response situations;
• Expand our combined operations and activities in the Pacific to address regional security concerns;
• Increasingly work through the South Pacific Defence Ministers’ Meeting (SPDMM) to meet defence needs of the Pacific in accordance with Pacific aspirations and the Blue Pacific Ocean of Peace; and
• Increase our support to Pacific-led combined maritime activities to uphold and bolster regional maritime security.

Implementation and Monitoring

This statement on Operationalising the Alliance, our 2024 Joint Statement on Closer Defence Relations, and our defence dialogue architecture provide the policy framework to regularly review, update and adapt our Alliance. Subordinate working groups will take forward practical implementation initiatives against each of the lines of effort above. ANZMIN will remain the primary vehicle for managing our Alliance. 

Signed in Canberra, Australia on 17 March 2026 by Hon Richard Marles MP and Hon Judith Collins KC MP

MIL OSI

[Joint Statement delivered at the Australia – New Zealand Foreign and Defence Ministerial Consultations, Canberra 17 March 2026]

Closer Defence Relations Statement

At approximately 4:30am on the 25th of April 1915, the first ANZAC landing at Gallipoli forged a bond unlike any other; changing the Australian and New Zealand relationship forever. Since then, Australians and New Zealanders have served and fought 
side-by-side with selflessness, courage, perseverance, and mateship, to defend our freedom, our values, and uphold a peaceful world. 

This year we celebrate the 75th anniversary of the formal establishment of the Alliance in the 1951 ANZUS Treaty, and reflect on the legacy of 111 years of Anzac history. Our Alliance continues to underpin the defence relationship between New Zealand and Australia. Australia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence Richard Marles and New Zealand’s Minister of Defence Judith Collins KC today reaffirm our formal commitments to each other as allies. We share a long history grounded in democratic values, an enduring commitment to multilateralism and international law, and our collective commitment to a peaceful, stable and prosperous Indo-Pacific region. 

Anzac 2035 Vision

The Australian and New Zealand Defence Forces are operationalising our Alliance with a vision of being able to operate seamlessly as an increasingly integrated, combat capable Anzac force by 2035, while remaining respectful of our status as two sovereign countries. In the face of a sharply deteriorating security environment, we must be ready to meet the security threats we face today and in the future.

Operationalising our Alliance builds on the significant work to date to strengthen integration. Our two militaries are building deep interoperability and interchangeability, including through common procurement and development of platforms and systems, where it makes sense to do so. We will be force multipliers for each other and combine our military forces in defence of our sovereignty, shared interests, and common values, and territory.

Operationalising our Alliance includes lines of effort across force posture activities, combined operations and exercises, preparedness, defence industry integration, resilience, and Pacific security as ways to protect our sovereignty and uphold regional security. 

Line of Effort One – Force Posture Activities

Further enhancing our ability to train and operate from each other’s territory strengthens our ability to respond to the threat of conflict and the prospect of coercion. Force posture cooperation enables us to project force to deter actions contrary to the security of our region and respond to crises. Our cooperation to monitor military activities in our region in 2025 demonstrated our ability to work together in pursuit of shared objectives. Deepening force posture cooperation will bolster our interoperability, our Alliance and collective deterrence. 

By 2035, we will:

Enhance force posture cooperation, including rotational activities in, from, and through our respective geographies, where this is in each countries’ national interest; and
Scope ways to increase Australia and New Zealand’s participation in each other’s force posture activities and force posture activities of our partners.
Establish and use an Australia-New Zealand Force Posture Working Group to develop recommendations to advance force posture cooperation.

Line of Effort Two – Combined Operations and Exercises

Australia and New Zealand’s combined operations and exercises in the Indo-Pacific are an important contribution to deterring potential threats and promoting a stable, resilient region in which international rules are respected. Increasing the complexity of our combined operations and exercises will mean that by 2035, we will be able to increasingly integrate our forces should the need arise. 

By 2035, we will:

Operate and exercise as a more integrated Anzac force alongside other allies and partners;
Deploy increasingly integrated and interchangeable units to achieve our 2024 Closer Defence Relations Shared Defence Objectives;
Further strengthen combined mission planning, combat readiness, and synchronisation mechanisms, including through the presence of embedded staff in each other’s strategic and operational headquarters;
Exercise and plan for a range of potential crises and contingencies, including through Exercise TALISMAN SABRE; and
Procure and employ common and complementary capabilities on our exercises and operations, including strike capabilities in a variety of domains, autonomous systems, maritime and air platforms and equipment, and land systems, where it makes sense to do so.
Build understanding of our respective and collective force readiness that underpins our ability to generate military power;
Foster Australian and New Zealand sovereign capabilities and industries where possible to leverage our respective cutting-edge technology development;
Reduce barriers to defence industry participation in our respective industries and build connections across our defence industry representative bodies;
Increase resilience of our sovereign industrial bases and supply chains to increase self-reliance to better support our shared defence needs;  
When it makes sense to do so, explore opportunities to co-develop, co-produce, and co-sustain common capabilities further entrenching our ability to act together in support of shared interests;
Leverage Australian and New Zealand sovereign capability and sustainment services to increase shared logistics and sustainment (eg C-130J and P-8A), which provide redundancy for our respective defence forces; and
Optimise collective training, education, exchanges and attachments to focus on common operating platforms. 

Lines of Effort Three, Four and Five – Force Preparedness, Resilience and Defence Industry Integration

Modern conflicts reinforce the need to be able to sustain military operations over time, and to have the resilience and industrial depth to support those operations. This also means building our collective capabilities and self-reliance within our Alliance construct. Cooperation across preparedness, resilience and defence industry is critical for us to generate and sustain the ability to achieve our 2024 Closer Defence Relations Shared Defence Objectives, drive cost-effective solutions, build resilience into our respective supply chains, and develop cutting-edge technologies. 

By 2035, we will:

Line of Effort Six – Pacific Security

New Zealand and Australia are Pacific nations. Our security is inextricably linked with the security of the broader Pacific region. Recognising our shared geography and the importance of our defence relationships with our Pacific partners, we will continue to support combined operations and exercises in the Pacific. We will work through the region’s security architecture to continue delivering Pacific-led solutions to regional security challenges and enhance our collective capabilities. 

By 2035, we will:

Increase Pacific defence force interoperability across a range of military tasks, with a focus on embedding the Pacific Response Group as a regional asset that enables more effective co-deployments in times of need, such as disaster response situations;
Expand our combined operations and activities in the Pacific to address regional security concerns;
Increasingly work through the South Pacific Defence Ministers’ Meeting (SPDMM) to meet defence needs of the Pacific in accordance with Pacific aspirations and the Blue Pacific Ocean of Peace; and
Increase our support to Pacific-led combined maritime activities to uphold and bolster regional maritime security.

Implementation and Monitoring

This statement on Operationalising the Alliance, our 2024 Joint Statement on Closer Defence Relations, and our defence dialogue architecture provide the policy framework to regularly review, update and adapt our Alliance. Subordinate working groups will take forward practical implementation initiatives against each of the lines of effort above. ANZMIN will remain the primary vehicle for managing our Alliance. 

Signed in Canberra, Australia on 17 March 2026 by Hon Richard Marles MP and Hon Judith Collins KC MP

MIL OSI

17 March 2026

1. Australian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence the Hon Richard Marles MP and Minister for Foreign Affairs Senator the Hon Penny Wong hosted New Zealand Minister of Defence Hon Judith Collins KC MP and Minister of Foreign Affairs Rt Hon Winston Peters MP on 17 March in Canberra for the third Australia-New Zealand Foreign and Defence Ministerial Consultations (ANZMIN 2+2). Ministers also met separately for a Defence Ministers’ Meeting and Foreign Ministers’ Meeting.
2. Australian Ministers expressed gratitude for the sympathy shown by the people of New Zealand for the families and friends of the 15 people who tragically lost their lives in the horrific terrorist attack at Bondi Beach and affirmed their commitment to stamping out antisemitism in all of its forms.
3. Ministers recognised that the trans-Tasman relationship is more important than ever given the fundamental shifts in the global geostrategic environment and the risks posed to our shared national interests. They reaffirmed Australia and New Zealand were fundamentally aligned and rising to the challenge of permanent strategic contest through closer cooperation and major strategic investments by both countries to strengthen the fabric of peace in our region.
4. Ministers discussed the evolving situation in the Middle East and Iran’s long record as a destabilising force and a threat to international peace and security, including through its nuclear program, support for proxy groups, and brutal acts of violence against its own people and beyond its borders. Ministers condemned Iran’s reckless and indiscriminate attacks on countries in the region.  Ministers urged the protection of civilian life, resumption of dialogue and diplomacy and adherence to international law.

 Our Alliance 

1. Ministers reaffirmed that our Alliance is the foundation of our foreign policy and defence partnership, and is built on trust, shared values and collective security. Our Alliance has a critical role in safeguarding both nations’ security, supporting stability in the Pacific, and advancing a peaceful, stable and prosperous Indo-Pacific where sovereignty is respected. Ministers highlighted the centrality of ANZMIN in setting the Alliance’s direction, and our shared commitment to using the full suite of statecraft tools to respond to intensifying global competition and a deteriorating strategic environment, both individually and together. Ministers welcomed the 75th Anniversary of the ANZUS Treaty, which underpins our formal commitments for the Australia-New Zealand Alliance.
2. Ministers welcomed the “Anzac 2035: Operationalising the Alliance” Joint Statement, issued today by Deputy Prime Minister Marles and Minister Collins KC, which sets out the Defence Ministers’ vision for our defence Alliance over the next ten years. It focuses on enhancing interoperability, including through collaborating on defence industry, preparedness and resilience, combined operations and exercises, and force posture, so we are increasingly ready to combine as an integrated Anzac force to deter, counter and respond to shared threats.

 Partnering in the Pacific

1. Ministers recognised the peace, stability and prosperity of all countries and territories in the Pacific are interconnected. They reaffirmed their commitment to working in partnership with fellow Pacific countries and to supporting Pacific‑led regional architecture, with the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) at the heart of Pacific regionalism. Ministers committed to support Palau’s hosting of the PIF Leaders’ Meeting in 2026 and welcomed New Zealand’s hosting in 2027.
2. As fellow founding members of the PIF, Ministers recognised Australia and New Zealand’s roles in contributing to a stronger Pacific family, upholding common values and norms. They underscored the importance of supporting the PIF Chair and the principle of engaging on issues through talanoa. Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to advancing the Pacific’s priorities set out in Pacific Leaders’ 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent and its Implementation Plan, as well as to the Blue Pacific being an Ocean of Peace. They called on the international community to engage in the Pacific in ways that respect and strengthen regional norms and institutions, and respond to Pacific-led approaches to peace and security.
3. Ministers highlighted the Revitalised Pacific Leaders’ Gender Equality Declaration to accelerate gender equality and social inclusion in the Pacific and noted the growing challenge of maintaining hard‑won gains and sustaining momentum, including in addressing gender-based violence. Ministers agreed that continued, appropriately supported and well‑coordinated efforts on gender equality, social inclusion and human rights will help achieve the vision for a resilient, peaceful, prosperous and stable Pacific Region.
4. Ministers emphasised that climate change remains the single greatest threat to Pacific countries. COP31 presents an opportunity to deliver genuine progress towards keeping warming to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and pursuing efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C. This comes at a critical time in this decisive decade for climate action.  Ministers noted Australia and New Zealand would continue supporting Pacific priorities and amplifying Pacific voices globally, including to enhance access to climate finance, and elevate the ocean-climate nexus. They reaffirmed the Pacific Pre-COP and Special Leaders’ event to be held in Fiji and Tuvalu in October 2026 as cornerstone opportunities to support these priorities. Ministers reiterated support for the Pacific Resilience Facility as a Pacific-led solution with global benefit as a model, to which Australia and New Zealand had pledged significant contributions, and encouraged further pledges at the special climate finance session for small island developing states at COP31.   
5. Ministers acknowledged the impact of transnational organised crime on Australia, New Zealand and throughout our Pacific neighbourhood, and agreed that combatting transnational organised crime, including drug trafficking to and through the Pacific, is a shared challenge and an urgent priority. Ministers committed to using defence and foreign affairs resources, where appropriate, to support efforts to combat transnational organised crime. Ministers acknowledged the call from PIF Leaders for a coordinated regional response to transnational organised crime and agreed to work with Pacific partners to develop collective approaches, including for consideration at the Transnational Crime Summit to be held in Fiji in May 2026.
6. Ministers acknowledged the value of our close coordination to maintain shared awareness of our maritime areas of interest and counter the risks posed both by concerning military vessel activity and the shipment of illicit drugs by sea.
7. Ministers reaffirmed their enduring commitment to cooperating closely to provide humanitarian assistance and disaster relief to the Pacific and to support Pacific-led responses in that regard. They commended the rapid establishment of the Pacific Response Group (PRG) through the South Pacific Defence Ministers’ Meeting (SPDMM), as a regional asset to strengthen Pacific‑led responses to Pacific humanitarian and disaster response events and welcomed New Zealand’s forthcoming leadership as the host of the PRG headquarters after Australia. Ministers welcomed SPDMM’s direction to explore expanding the mandate of the PRG to cover wider Pacific security threats. They noted regional efforts to enhance Pacific-led responses to regional security challenges including through the scoping of a SPDMM Status of Forces Agreement, the Regional Operations Deployment Framework being scoped by the Joint Heads of Pacific Security and efforts to better coordinate regional defence and security architecture.
8. Ministers welcomed the Political Declaration between New Zealand and Niue of 2025 and acknowledged New Zealand’s special constitutional relationships with the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau, which are part of the Realm of New Zealand. They recognised New Zealand’s responsibility for the defence and security of the Realm and the benefits that these relationships bring to New Zealand and to the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau.
9. Ministers welcomed the signing of the historic Pukpuk Treaty between Papua New Guinea and Australia and the new Alliance in the region. They welcomed negotiations to finalise the Nakamal Agreement with Vanuatu and to elevate the Australia–Fiji Vuvale Partnership and the intention to establish the Kaume‘a ‘Ofi Partnership Agreement with Tonga.

10.  These partnerships reflect a firm commitment to ensuring that the Pacific is in the driving seat to shape its future and that we are supporting each other in shared interests and challenges. 

Collaborating to address global challenges

1. Ministers reaffirmed their enduring commitment to multilateralism and international law and to supporting UN and regional institutions. Challenges to the rules-based multilateral system called for strong partnerships in our region and beyond. Ministers agreed on the need for bold and effective reforms to achieve a UN system capable of better delivering on its core mandates. Ministers welcomed the adoption of a new Declaration for the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel, setting out practical actions for stronger accountability, safer access, and better protection for aid workers everywhere.  They affirmed the need for deeper bilateral engagement and with regional partners to support the full implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, including promoting women’s full, equal, safe and meaningful participation and leadership across all levels of conflict prevention, and regional peace and security. Ministers announced their support for Australia’s and New Zealand’s respective United Nations Security Council candidacies in 2029-2030 and 2039-2040.
2. Ministers discussed economic security and the importance of maintaining open and connected supply chains to facilitate the flow of fuels and goods.  Respect for the commitments we and our trading partners have made underpins our prosperity and resilience, and that of our region. Both countries remain committed to working together and with other trade partners to ensure that trade continues to flow unimpeded.
3. Ministers committed to uphold and promote the Antarctic Treaty System rules and norms that keep this part of our region peaceful and free from conflict, cooperative and protected, and dedicated to scientific research. They agreed officials would strengthen cooperation through an annual strategic dialogue.
4. Ministers reaffirmed their support for ASEAN centrality and the ASEAN-led regional architecture, and highlighted ASEAN’s central role in shaping a peaceful, stable and prosperous region. As Comprehensive Strategic Partners of ASEAN, Australia and New Zealand reiterated their commitment to building upon longstanding ties with our region by deepening economic engagement. Ministers welcomed progress implementing Invested: Australia’s Southeast Asia Economic Strategy to 2040 and New Zealand’s increased focus on Southeast Asia as part of its Foreign Policy Reset.  Ministers committed to continue working together on shared priorities under regional free trade agreements.
5. Ministers emphasised the need for strategic competition to be managed responsibly and welcomed continued dialogue between the United States and China. They acknowledged our collective agency and shared responsibility for the stability of our region. They reaffirmed the need to promote open channels of communication, transparency and practical measures to reduce the risks of misunderstanding, miscalculation, escalation and conflict.
6. Ministers reiterated concerns about the intensification of destabilising activities and instances of unsafe and unprofessional behaviour by China in the South China Sea. They reiterated all countries must adhere to international law, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and maritime disputes must be resolved peacefully and in accordance with international law. They recalled the 2016 South China Sea Arbitral Award is final and binding on the parties. Ministers affirmed their shared commitment to promoting regional stability and security and to working with partners to build capability and strengthen interoperability, including through Multilateral Maritime Cooperation Activities. They also reiterated their concern about the situation in the East China Sea and unsafe and unprofessional conduct in the sea and air.  
7.  Ministers reaffirmed the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, opposing any unilateral action to change the status quo and encouraging dialogue rather than resorting to coercion or the use of force. They also reiterated their will to continue deepening relations with Taiwan in the economic, trade, and cultural fields as well as enhancing development coordination in the Pacific.
8. Ministers reiterated their grave concerns about human rights violations in Xinjiang. They expressed deep concerns about the erosion of religious, cultural, educational and linguistic rights and freedoms in Tibet. They shared deep concern over the erosion of rights and freedoms in Hong Kong, including the actions of Hong Kong authorities in targeting pro-democracy activists both within Hong Kong and overseas.
9. Ministers reiterated continued investment in the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA). The FPDA remained an indispensable anchor for regional security as the only multilateral security arrangement of its kind in Southeast Asia.
10. Ministers reaffirmed the importance of our relationships with global security partners, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), including through cooperation as Indo-Pacific partners of NATO.  Ministers agreed that the Five Eyes partnership remained vital to our shared security architecture.
11. Ministers unequivocally condemned Russia’s illegal and unprovoked full‑scale invasion of Ukraine. They condemned the ongoing deployment of troops and transfer of military material from the DPRK to Russia, which supports the continued conflict. As active participants of the Coalition of the Willing discussions, Ministers welcomed the efforts of the United States of America, European countries and others aimed at ending the war, in line with international law. Ministers again urge Russia to end its war of aggression and engage in good faith with Ukraine on a ceasefire and peace deal. Ministers called on all those with influence on Russia, particularly China, to exert it now to end the war.
12. Ministers urged all parties to uphold the terms of the Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict and agreed Australia and New Zealand, together with our partners, would continue to do what we can to contribute to a just and enduring two-state solution. Ministers expressed deep concern over Israel’s actions that undermine the path to peace, including the expansion of settlements and control over the West Bank, increasing settler violence against Palestinians, and restrictions on INGOs that impede their humanitarian operations.
13. Ministers strongly condemned the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s unlawful nuclear and ballistic missile programs, and its malicious cyber activities used to evade sanctions and fund these programs, and urged compliance with UNSC resolutions. 
14. Ministers reiterated their grave concerns about the political and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar and the military regime’s airstrikes against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Ministers noted that recent elections did not meet the conditions of a free, fair and inclusive process. Ministers reiterated their calls for a cessation of violence, the release of those unjustly detained, safe and unhindered humanitarian access and inclusive dialogue. Ministers confirmed their countries stand ready to support genuine efforts to alleviate humanitarian suffering, improve economic and social conditions and advance a sustainable resolution to the ongoing crisis in Myanmar. Ministers reaffirmed their full support for ASEAN’s central role in resolving the crisis and called again for the full implementation of the Five-Point Consensus.
15. New Zealand looks forward to hosting the next ANZMIN 2+2 in 2027.

MIL OSI

A New Zealander who has lived in the US for 25 years and even served in the US Marine Corps now faces deportation from the country.

Paul Canton was in Marines for seven years and had built a life for himself in Florida, with a wife and children, Military.com reported. But a judge has denied his bid to stay.

He previously told US news channel Tampa Bay 28, that citizenship had been promised to him when he signed up to be a Marine.

Born in New Zealand and raised in Australia, Canton first visited the US as an exchange student and said he “fell in love” with the country.

Orlando’s Channel 9 reported that he enlisted in the Marine Corps in 1991 just weeks before the Persian Gulf conflict ended.

Canton said his recruiter promised him citizenship if he served and was discharged honourably, which he did in 1998.

He went on to marry a US citizen and have children who are also citizens, Channel 9 reported.

Canton had even voted in elections but while applying for a new driver’s license, he found out he had never become an American citizen.

He then hired a lawyer and spent years trying to navigate the immigration system.

Tampa Bay 28 reported that last month a federal judge denied Canton’s legal status.

This was due to a US law that grants naturalisation to veterans but only if they actively served during a time of hostility.

Canton’s attorney Elizabeth Ricci had previously told Tampa Bay 28, that even though he was recruited during Operation Desert Storm in the Persian Gulf, Canton was not called to duty in the Selective Reserve until two weeks after the hostility ended.

She also told Channel 9 that his Australian citizenship was stripped when he joined the marines, so he is currently without a state.

Canton said he felt the US immigration system was flawed, according to Millitary.com

“I feel like I’ve been shoved through a crack.”

He said this was especially true when laws aren’t in the books to allow automatic citizenship to veterans who were honourably discharged with no criminal records.

Channel 9 also reported that Canton was not eligible for sponsorship from his partner due to his voting history.

He maintained that because he believed himself a citizen, he could vote but casting a ballot has prevented him from getting citizenship status even with his family’s help.

Canton’s family is now having to prepare for a potential, looming deportation back to New Zealand.

“My oldest boy is going to empty out the house and sell it,” Canton said in the report by Millitary.com.

“And that’s the end of my time in America. Because I can’t come back.”

“I have earned the title of United States Marine and they’re never going to take that from me,” he said.

His attorney told Channel 9 that Canton’s only pathway to remaining in the US is Congress passing a special naturalisation bill or US President Donald Trump getting involved.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Despite the conflict in the Middle East and growing worries over global oil supply, New Zealand remains at the lowest level of official concern – but that could quickly change.

Motorists are being urged not to panic-buy fuel amid going concerns about rising prices, with the average 91 petrol price around country surging past $3.

The pressure on fuel priuces is being largley driven by the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz, as Iran launches attacks to halt maritime traffic. The area is critical because about 20 percent of the world’s oil consumption or 20 million barrels a day, usually passes through it.

The National Fuel Plan – published in 2024 – includes details on how the country could respond to a fuel supply disruption or emergency, with four levels of concern, similar to the levels seen during the fight against Covid-19.

The plan does point out that many events could disrupt fuel supply, including compromised overseas supply, pipes being sabotaged, earthquake or a damaged road network.

The Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (MBIE) says the country is not experiencing the types of sustained supply disruption that the would lead to the emergency measures outlined in the plan, and confirmed last week that Aotearoa remains at the lowest of the four levels.

But it has convened the Fuel Sector Co-ordinating Entity (Fuel SCE), which is comprised of officials and members from key fuel companies, and “increases lines of communications with the fuel industry and oversight of fuel imports”.

The fuel escalation process in the plan includes four levels. The plan says an emergency may progress from one level to the next – due to something like a damaged pipeline that is taking longer than expected to repair – or move straight to a high level, in the case of a “sudden, major infrastructure disruption expected to last longer than a few days”.

Level 1: Minor impact on fuel sector

The country is currently at this level. Under it, there is the potential for escalating fuel supply disruption to higher levels, but “minimal current impact on fuel distribution”.

The Fuel SCE is convened to monitor the situation and start planning for potential disruption and escalation.

Fuel companies are also directed to start planning for possible disruption.

Level 2: Moderate impact on fuel sector

In this level, “most” customers are still serviced, but there is a risk of shortages to critical fuel customers.

Critical fuel customers are organisations seen as “critical to response activities and have a reliance on fuel resupply to carry out response activities”, including emergency services, the Ministry of Health, Corrections and Defence.

The Fuel SCE monitors demand levels and resupply options, and also coordinates government support “as required” for the fuel sector.

This may include air or overland vehicle transport; a range of support by NZDF, where resources are available, such as NZDF ships, drivers, engineering resources or specialist aviation resources; assistance with sourcing key international resources including barges and fuel air transport capacity; and relaxation of regulations, such as allowing night-time fuelling to increase distribution.

Fuel companies are also required to take steps to ensure critical customers are supplied and government powers may be used to enforce this.

Level 3: Major impact on fuel sector

Under level three, there is a “serious impact on fuel distribution with severe resource and capacity constraints and multi region and/or major impacts to critical customers”.

Additional measures that may come into play at this level include:

• Opening hour restrictions (reduced hours, only open on alternate days)
• Setting maximum purchases at point of sale – either price or volume,
• Restricting sales into containers (to discourage hoarding), and
• Price limits can be set at unmanned fuel retail outlets (e.g. truck stops).

There will also be critical customer prioritisation measures under level three.

“Critical fuel customers will continue to source fuel from, and be supplied by, their regular fuel suppliers until it is no longer possible or practicable to do so.”

These additional actions will be implemented and coordinated through the Fuel SCE, which will also monitor fuel companies’ compliance with any directions issued by the Minister for Energy or CDEM Controller

Level 4: Severe impact on fuel sector

At this highest level, there is a severe impact on national fuel supplies

As well as all the actions seen in lower levels, fuel companies will be required to supply only critical fuel customers and these customers can be serviced by any supplier.

Public help

As well as the fuel escalation process, the National Fuel Plan also notes that the public can be encouraged by the government and the fuel sector to voluntarily reduce fuel consumption.

“This can be achieved through reducing speed on open roads, car-pooling, working from home, checking tyre pressure and reducing unnecessary trips or using other transport modes.”

The plan does note that this is “only considered a practicable option when managing a long-term supply disruption where immediate stocks are not at threat”, as it could cause panic buying.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Christopher Luxon is putting the question of whether or not he asked for a matai title behind him, saying it was a miscommunication and both he and the Samoan prime minister have moved on.

Samoa’s government had to clarify on Monday morning that neither Luxon nor his representatives had requested he be given an honour, shortly before the presentation.

Luxon thanked those present for the title Tuisinavemaulumoto’otua, saying it was a great honour.

“We are now connected forever,” Luxon told the crowd, which included representatives of villages and the wider community, as well as the New Zealand delegation.

At the end of the lengthy ceremony, in which Luxon and assembled ministers and delegation members drunk kava (prompting an “I love Samoa” from police minister Mark Mitchell), Luxon and his wife Amanda joined Samoa’s representatives for a dance.

Luxon then met privately with La’aulialemalietoa for a bilateral discussion, before a joint Cabinet meeting.

Memorandums of arrangement were signed on Police and Customs matters, with commitments around combatting transnational crime and drug trafficking.

Afterwards, Luxon said the Pacific had become a “super-highway for drugs,” and he and La’aulialemalietoa were committed to more information sharing.

“We’ve got to make sure we cut down the drugs out on the sea. We’ve got to make sure that the borders are strong, because actually, the border around the Pacific is the border for all of us. We’ve got to make sure that we disrupt it in-country,” he said.

“And then, importantly, we also need to make sure we work with good organisations like the Salvation Army and others to deal with the social harm that is happening inside our own communities as well.”

He said the conversations were “illuminating,” and the two had shared what more could be done in healthcare and education as well.

Luxon invited Samoan ministers to visit New Zealand later in the year for further collaboration.

Asked about what went wrong with the matai title mixup, Luxon said he was “done and finished” with the matter.

“We’ve worked our way through that issue in the last few hours, the last day, and what I’d say is important is our conversation has been about how we take our relationship forward,” he said.

“And so I appreciate there was some miscommunication and all of that, but we’ve got ourselves to the right place where we are wanting to build our relationship in a deeper way.”

A question was put to La’aulialemalietoa about the matai title, which he did not answer, but earlier said it was a “token of respect.”

La’aulialemalietoa also spoke of the importance of the relationship between New Zealand and Samoa, which he described in sibling terms.

“You see the changing nowadays in the world. Big countries bully, start to change things dynamically, tariffs, pushing things, patrolling, and all that taking over. Samoa’s focus is to make sure we look after ourselves by ourselves, and controlling by ourselves,” he said.

“So that’s why it’s very, very important for Samoa, New Zealand, and Australia, and all Pacific regions, to come back together again, formulate our Pacific island nation, and make sure we have the capacity to look after ourselves in our own side of the world.”

Luxon was asked about what the government would do to improve visa access, but gave the same answer he has previously given New Zealand media – that the government has made it easier, cheaper, and faster but remains concerned about overstayers.

“We’ve had two attempts, I think, at visa free in New Zealand’s history, and they had to get stopped very quickly, because our hospitals got filled up, our schools got filled up, and people didn’t go home. “

Neither leader mentioned the HMNZS Manawanui in their opening remarks, but La’aulialemalietoa later indicated he did not believe the matter to be finished.

The New Zealand government paid $6 million in compensation last year, but La’aulialemalietoa said where it would go was still being finalised.

“At this stage, the continuation of the negotiation is still on, and we need to have time, better time with New Zealand, to consider what is good for us here, and protective, and also preserve what’s going to be affected in the future. That’s the where the discussion should be.”

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

MIL OSI

HONG KONG SAR – Media OutReach Newswire – 16 March 2026 – Professional credit management firms CollectForU Expert and Debt Hunter today jointly released a comprehensive industry observation report regarding the financial health of local enterprises. The report indicates that small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in Hong Kong are currently facing significant liquidity risks as payment cycles across supply chains continue to lengthen. This trend has resulted in a critical imbalance between recorded profits and actual cash flow.

Widespread Absence of Credit Defense Mechanisms
According to the findings, more than 70% of Hong Kong SMEs lack robust credit defense mechanisms. The report highlights that many businesses fail to perform in-depth credit due diligence on new clients or establish firm payment thresholds.

Alex Yeung, founder of CollectForU Expert, noted that a high percentage of SMEs remain in a state of low defense regarding credit management. Yeung emphasized that bad debts in B2B transactions often have a domino effect. He stated that if a company focuses solely on gross margins while ignoring the operational stability of a counterparty, a single large-scale default could potentially eliminate an entire year of net profit. He recommends that businesses establish standardized defense systems including background checks, credit limit settings, and continuous monitoring to ensure operational safety.

The 90-Day Recovery Threshold
The joint report identifies the 90-day mark as a critical watershed for the successful recovery of overdue accounts. Many SME owners hesitate to take action during the early stages of delinquency to preserve client relationships, which inadvertently increases the risk of asset dissipation or insolvency proceedings by the debtor.

Obis Tsang, founder of Debt Hunter and a professional mediator, stated that the success rate of commercial debt recovery is inversely proportional to the duration of the delinquency. Once a debt is overdue by more than 90 days, the probability of recovery decreases significantly. Tsang suggested that early intervention by specialized third parties should be viewed as a rational tool for commercial negotiation. Engaging mediation-focused professionals can facilitate viable repayment plans and prevent the loss of claims due to excessive delays.

Strategic Recommendations for SMEs
In response to the current economic environment, both institutions advise SMEs to adopt a proactive approach to credit defense rather than waiting for defaults to occur:

• Strengthen Pre-Contract Screening: Implement standardized credit assessments before finalizing commercial agreements.
• Establish Warning Mechanisms: Define clear payment deadlines and take immediate action when clients breach these thresholds.
• Seek Timely Professional Assistance: Introduce expert third-party advice early in the delinquency period to stabilize cash flow.

CollectForU Expert and Debt Hunter intend to continue their collaboration to standardize credit management practices and enhance the financial resilience of Hong Kong SMEs.

https://www.debt-hunter.com/en
https://www.linkedin.com/company/debt-hunter
https://www.facebook.com/DebtHunterHK
Wechat: DebtHunterHK
https://www.instagram.com/debthunterhk

Hashtag: #CreditManagement #AccountsReceivable #CollectForU #DebtHunter #DebtCollection #HongKongSMEs

The issuer is solely responsible for the content of this announcement.

– Published and distributed with permission of Media-Outreach.com.

Foreign Minister Winston Peters and Defence Minister Judith Collins will attend the third annual Australia and New Zealand Foreign and Defence Ministers’ Meeting (ANZMIN) in Canberra this week. 

 “The ANZMIN is a critical opportunity to engage with Australia – our closest friend and only formal ally – to set the strategic direction and confirm our shared approaches to foreign policy, security, and defence,” Mr Peters says. 

 “New Zealand and Australia face the most unpredictable and dangerous strategic environment in decades. In the face of this instability, our commitment to work together is as strong as ever.”  

 Ms Collins says this year marks 75 years of the New Zealand-Australia Alliance. 

 “We recognise the deep historical bond and broader defence alignment that forms the foundation of our Alliance,” Ms Collins says. 

 “Since the Alliance began in 1951, we have continuously built on these foundations to ensure that our Alliance remains ready to meet modern challenges.”  

 The Ministers will discuss a wide range of strategic issues, including partnering in the Pacific and Antarctica, responding to growing instability in the Indo-Pacific and global tensions and developments.  

 Mr Peters and Ms Collins will also hold separate bilateral meetings with their respective counterparts, Penny Wong and Richard Marles. 

MIL OSI

An “explosive substance” that resulted in the evacuation of part of a Christchurch suburb was a jar of crystallized picric acid, the Defence Force says.

Police sent an emergency mobile alert and put up cordons around Sheffield Crescent in Burnside after being alerted to the substance shortly before 2.30pm on Thursday.

A number of businesses were evacuated, with cordons lifting at 7pm.

A Defence Force spokesperson said an explosive ordnance disposal team found the jar after responding to a request for assistance from police.

“The item was investigated and determined to be a jar of crystallized picric acid, which was removed and disposed of in a safe manner,” they said.

“Picric acid is a yellow substance historically used for dye production and other medical uses. When it becomes old, or is not stored correctly, it dries out and crystallizes, becoming a sensitive explosive which is not safe for transportation.

“Anyone who discovers a potentially dangerous item, should always exercise caution until the item is deemed safe by an expert. If you do discover something that might be dangerous, remain clear of the item and contact New Zealand Police as soon as possible.”

The mobile alert advised people to evacuate immediately.

“All members of the public are advised to immediately evacuate the area in the vicinity of Sheffield Cres Burnside Christchurch and surrounding area due to high-risk explosive substance located,” the alert said.

Police later said the substance had been “made safe”.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

MIL OSI

[xh ]Ban on harvesting marine life from rockpools comes into force

A ban on taking marine life from rockpools and coastal waters in part of north Auckland comes into force today.

The decision came after local iwi, the Ngāti Manuhiri Settlement Trust, applied for the two-year ban along the Whangaparāoa Peninsula, and further north at Kawau Bay and Ōmaha Bay. The application was granted by Fisheries Minister, Shane Jones, in February.

It is now illegal for anyone to take seaweed, shellfish, or other rockpool sea life, including sponges, starfish, sea anemones, and sea cucumbers, from those areas.

In a statement, Fisheries Minister Shane Jones said that anyone who broke the rules could be fined between $5000 and $100,000. Items used in the offending could also be seized, including vehicles for more serious offences.

“Fishery Officers will be at key locations to provide information to members of the public about the closure,” he said.

Minister Jones said Ngāti Manuhiri would also place a traditional rāhui over the closed areas and the same species.

The new rules are available on the free NZ Fishing Rules App and the Ministry for Primary Industry’s website.

Kina (sea urchin) are excluded from the closure and can still be taken within the current recreational fishing limits. Restrictions on taking spiny rock lobster and scallops have already been in place.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand