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World Vision – New report finds Pacific countries need to do more to address child hunger in climate strategies

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Source: World Vision

A new report from World Vision finds many Pacific countries are failing to adequately address climate-related child hunger and malnutrition in their climate strategies.
The Hungry Futures Index scores the climate strategies prepared under the Paris Climate Agreement of more than 80 nations and ranks countries according to how well their climate policies address hunger as a primary impact of climate change.
New Zealand ranks near the bottom of the list (82 out of 84) for climate policy which considers child hunger, child malnutrition, and outlines plans to act on either of these issues. Solomon Islands Papua New Guinea rank  53 rd, with Vanuatu coming in at 26.
World Vision’s Advocacy and Policy Research Advisor, Dr. Olivia Yates, says the findings show a serious gap in climate policies.
“Ahead of COP30 in Brazil this week, this report highlights the need for countries around the world to acknowledge the link between climate change and child hunger, and fund solutions.
“Countries such as Vanuatu, Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea already experience extreme levels of food insecurity and we know that extreme weather events can dramatically lower food production, push prices up, and disrupt supply.
“In Vanuatu for instance, after Cyclones Kevin and Judy in 2023 hunger became a very real and pressing issue for much of the population.
“It’s imperative that climate policies recognise the impact the changing climate has on food security and that governments adapt to recognise and respond to this,” she says.
More than half the population in Papua New Guinea is considered food insecure, while a quarter of Vanuatu’s population does not get enough food each day.
“Globally the food system continues to fail billions of people, disproportionately affecting communities already living in poverty and Pacific nations which are on the frontlines of the climate crisis,” she says.
Dr Yates says while climate policies need to recognise the importance of hunger and malnutrition as a “side effect” of the climate crisis, they also need to prioritise children.
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Paris Climate Agreement recognise children as “agents of change” and yet only 58% of climate plans reference children’s participation in climate decision-making.
“When children are invisible in data, budgets, and strategies, they become invisible in the solutions that will shape their lives.
“We are entering an age of hungry futures. Children will be the most impacted by the climate crisis and yet their needs and voices are almost invisible in the world’s climate blueprints. If governments fail to act now, hunger and malnutrition will rise dramatically, with devastating consequences for the next generation,” Dr Yates says.
She says 2024 was the hottest year on record, with global temperatures surpassing 1.5 °C above pre-industrial levels [i] . Around one billion children are already living in areas at extremely high risk from climate-related threats, including air pollution, water scarcity, heat stress and disease [ii] .
World Vision is urging the New Zealand government, Pacific nations, and others attending COP30 to:
  • Update their climate policies and adaptation plans to recognise child hunger and nutrition as core climate risks, with targets and budgets
  • Prioritise nutrition-smart and climate resilient food systems in New Zealand and in the climate finance we provide to our Pacific neighbours
  • Ensure children can meaningfully participate in climate decision-making, with child-focused indicators and reporting.
Dr Yates says: “Without bold action, hunger and malnutrition could increase by 20% in the next 25 years due to climate change [iii] . COP30 in Brazil must be a turning point.”
  • Countries climate policies were analysed through their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) which outline each country’s commitments to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions under the Paris Agreement, and their National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) which detail how countries will adapt to the impacts of climate change and build resilience.
  • Child hunger is mentioned in just 18% of national climate plans, and child malnutrition in only 11%.
  • Most countries, (67 or 80% of those assessed) fail to properly consider hunger and malnutrition for children and adults alike.
  • Countries with high rates of food insecurity were more likely to include these issues in their climate plans.
  • The Paris Agreement specifically refers to children as agents of change in climate action, but only 58% (n=49) of NDCs mention how children were involved in their design and implementation processes.
  • Just two countries (Chad & Cambodia) made a full commitment to child participation
  • The full data set and methodology can be found at wvi.org/hungry-futures-index

MIL OSI

Serious crash blocks road, Johnsonville

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Source: New Zealand Police

Police are in attendance at a serious crash in central Johnsonville, Wellington involving a car hitting a pedestrian.

The crash happened shortly before 1:10pm on Moorefield Road, outside the Johnsonville library.

It is believed the pedestrian is seriously injured.

The Police Serious Crash Unit has been notified.

The road is blocked while emergency services work at the scene.

Motorists are asked to take alternate routes and expect delays, and delay travel through the area if possible.

ENDS

MIL OSI

9am on the radio

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Source: Radio New Zealand

This is one of a series of essays and short stories commissioned to commemorate RNZ’s 100 years on air in Aotearoa.

Barbara turns the radio on. It’s square and brown and has four perfectly round knobs along the bottom.

The voice from the wooden box says it’s 9am, so Barbara’s just in time for the news, and, once that’s done, the holiday programme. Not that she can hear anything over Joan’s laughter. It’s not fair. Barbara had always wanted a little sister to play with, but not one like Joan – she’s always getting into mischief, uses Barbara’s favourite pencils without asking, and only speaks at one volume: loud. And, when Mum said they must all finish the chores before listening to story time, all Joan had to do was dust the mantle. She didn’t have to press the linen, or beat the rugs, or mind the younger ones. Which is why Joan is playing blocks with Colin, rather than making herself useful.

‘Bang!’ Joan yells, knocking over a stack of blocks. ‘Crash!’

Colin claps his chubby hands in delight. ‘Boom!’

RNZ

Barbara folds the last freshly-pressed table cloth, and rushes back to the radio in the corner. The voice on the radio is still talking about the men who climbed Mount Everest, so story time hasn’t started yet. Phew. During school holidays, story time on the National Broadcasting Service was the highlight of Barbara’s days. Yesterday’s tale was terribly exciting, and Barbara had wondered ever since: what would happen to the children who had been shipwrecked and were about to run out of food? Would they be rescued in time?

‘Look, Colin! It’s a bomb!’ Joan shouts as she throws a block against the wall. ‘Bang!’

‘Bomb!’ says Colin, laughing. ‘Bang!’

Storytime starts, but Barbara can’thear a word. ‘Please, Joan. Shhh.’

‘It’s not me, it’s Colin.’

‘It’s both of you.’

‘Bomb!’ Colin yells. ‘Bang!’

Joan picks up another block, grins at Colin, and throws it against the wall. ‘Bang!’

‘Please, Joan.’ Barbara knows she’s whining, but can’t help it. ‘Please be quiet. I want to listen to the story about the children.’

‘It’s not me.’ Joan shrugs. ‘It’s the bomb.’

Suddenly the air is cold and heavy. Uh-oh. Father stands in the doorway, arms crossed across his chest. ‘What’s this racket?’

Barbara feels ill. Mum said they mustn’t wake Father, not under any circumstances, for he was having a bad week. Joan and Colin stare – now they’re silent.

‘Barbara! What’s the meaning of this?’

Barbara slumps her shoulders. ‘Sorry, Father.’

‘You need to better control the children, especially when your mother is out running errands. This is not good enough.’

‘I … I’m sorry.’

Father glares at her. ‘Bombs are no laughing matter, believe you me.’

‘I said sorry.’

Father takes a deep breath, and says, ‘get outside, all of you. And keep your sister in line. She’s your responsibility.’

Barbara steals a glance at the radio. ‘But –’

‘Are you talking back to me, girl?’

‘N … no.’

‘Then get outside. Now!’ Father glares at Barbara once more, swivels around, and limps away. As soon as he disappears from sight, Joan scowls, and says to Barbara, ‘I wasn’t being loud.’

‘Yes you were! Why must you always be so …’

But Joan isn’t listening: she’s already out the door, Colin toddling behind her.

The voice on the radio is still talking, his voice animated: the children on the island have seen a ship! Could this mean they might be rescued? Or is it … pirates? But Barbara doesn’t dare listen further – Father might come back, and then what? She reaches out, twists one of the knobs to turn the sound off, and follows her brother and sister outside.

Barbara sits at the Formica table and sips her tea. The voice on the black transistor radio says its 9am, but Barbara can hardly hear, for her phone has begun to ring. Barbara sighs: such bad timing. She’s been waiting for the 9am news for over 15 minutes. Barbara wants to hear what’s happening with the tour – but mostly wants to know the weather forecast. How else will she decide whether to hang her brown corduroy skirt on the line in the garden, or inside the garage? Everyone knows clothes dry better outside, and she needs to look her best for the movies tonight: Goodbye Pork Pie, with the nice clerk from the bank. But it’s cloudy outside, and she doesn’t know if rain is coming.

Nik T for Unsplash

Ring, ring. Ring, ring.

Maybe she ought to ignore it. If she waits until the 10am bulletin, her skirt might not dry in time for the movie, or get musty. But, no. She can’t. It might be someone important, or – dare she hope – the nice clerk, calling to chat. Barabara puts down her tea, and rushes into the hallway. She picks up the phone from its cradle, and holds the heavy green plastic to her ear. ‘Hello?’

‘Hi. It’s me.’

Me. Only Joan would be so self-centered to assume Barbara would recognise her voice after three words. Which, of course, Barbara does, but that’s beside the point.

‘I’m busy, Joan. I’m in the middle of … something important.’

‘I need your help.’ Joan’s voice is unsteady. ‘I really, really need your help, and now Mum and Dad are gone, I don’t know who else to call – ’

‘What happened?’

‘I was at the protest at Parliament, and the police turned up with batons.’ Joan’s words tumble over each other as she speaks. ‘And then I was pushed over! It wasn’t my fault my hand flew into a man’s face, and then he started to bleed …’

Barbara concentrates on her breathing: in and out, in and out. When she finally speaks, her voice is pinched. ‘Why can’t you ask Colin to help?’

‘You know he’s pro-tour, and thinks politics should stay out of sport. He won’t help me.’

Of course, Barbara thinks. Joan’s right – Colin won’t help at all. Barbara remembers her father’s words: your sister is your responsibility. ‘Joan, calm down. Tell me what you need.’

From the other room floats the last of the news, and some of the weather report. Not that it matters. She won’t be wearing her brown corduroy skirt anywhere tonight, let alone the movies. Eventually, Barbara puts down the phone, trudges into the other room, and turns off the transistor radio. She picks up her car keys, and steps outside.

It’s almost 9am. Barbara puts down the woman’s magazine, and turns to her new stereo system: a black stack of different ways to play music, her 55th birthday present to herself. It seems such an extravagance for a household of one, but look at how smart it is, sitting on the crisp white tablecloth in the middle of the sideboard. Barbara admires it once more: the LP player at the top, the double cassette player at the bottom. And, in between, the radio. Speaking of which. She pushes a button, just in time to hear the RNZ announcer welcome her to the 9am news.

Annie Spratt for Unsplash

Beside the stereo is a large bouquet of flowers, carefully arranged inside her second-best vase. Happy birthday, Barbara, reads the card, in Colin’s wife’s handwriting. Love Colin and family. At least they remembered. At least someone remembered. Barbara leans toward the stereo and listens: the broadcaster is talking about Princess Diana’s death the day before – what a shock that was. When Barbara first heard about it on the radio the previous afternoon, she’d been so alarmed, she’d dropped her best vase. And here she was: sitting beside a pile of broken porcelain that she still hadn’t cleaned up, because it hurt her knees, and her birthday wasn’t the time to remind herself of all her body could no longer do. Happy birthday to me, she thinks. At least I have my new stereo. And she’ll listen to the news, followed by a deep-dive story about Diana’s life – that will be interesting. After that, she’ll go out to get her hair done, and, at some point, clean up the remnants of the vase.

Bang bang bang!

There’s a loud knock, but whoever it is doesn’t wait for Barbara to respond – the door opens, and heavy footsteps clomp down the hallway. Barbara scowls. Only one person who would take such liberties. Joan.

Her sister bursts into the room: a mess of layered clothing and red lipstick and perfume. ‘Happy Birthday to youuuuuu!’ Joan dances on the spot, although her platform shoes are so high, Barbara wonders how she can walk, let alone dance. ‘Happy birthday to you! Happy birthday dear – ’

Joan steps on a shard of broken vase and tumbles, right into the rest of the shattered porcelain. From the floor, Joan looks at the blood covering her hand, and wails. ‘My hand! I think I’ve severed an artery!’ Joan waves her hand in the air, and reaches toward the sideboard. ‘This might be fatal! I need to clean this up! I’m too young to die – there’s so much more to do, like see more of the country – ’

‘No! Don’t– ’

But it’s too late. Joan grips the crisp white tablecloth in her hand, and pulls. The second-best vase falls first, crashing on the floor in a pile of glass and leaves and stalks. And next comes the stereo, landing with a sickening thud. The 9am broadcast falls silent. All Barbara can hear is ringing in her own ears, and, above that, her sister’s sobs. Then comes her father’s voice: your sister is your responsibility. Followed by another voice, that taunts her: happy birthday, Barbara. Happy birthday to you.

It’s almost 9am, and Barbara is ready for her day. She’s had her breakfast, and brushed her teeth. And now she’ll listen to the news, before a morning of pottering about to Nine to Noon. She pushes the button of the hot-pink device that Colin’s son gave her for Christmas, then presses the red RNZ symbol on her phone. Barbara still doesn’t understand how this works – something to do with teeth? Not that it matters, as long as it works, and here’s the birdsong now, followed by the beeps. The 9am news on RNZ: always different, yet still comforting in its sameness, especially after all these years.

Getty Images / Unsplash

Joan had better not interrupt her solitude. Her sister had been calling all week, even contacting her through the chat function on FarmTown, which was particularly irritating. ‘Come on a trip with me,’ Joan said, over and over. Joan and Colin’s widow had recently gone halves on a motorhome, but the other woman was busy this week. ‘I don’t want to travel alone, Barbara. Let’s go on an adventure and see the country.’

‘No, I can’t.’ Barbara had said. ‘I’m busy.’

‘You can bring your tablet with you, you know. You can play FarmTown, andwon’t lose your Wordle streak.’

‘I can’t come – I have other plans.’ And she did: Wednesday was her day for volunteering at the charity shop, Thursday was supermarket day, and she didn’t want to miss aqua jogging – her knees weren’t getting any better, and being in the water helped. Plans that seemed perfectly fine earlier, but now felt dull because they didn’t involve sleeping in cow paddocks or by the sea or God only knew where else. ‘I won’t join you. But have fun.’

‘Oh, I will,’ Joan said loudly – must she always be so loud? And, with that, she was gone.

The news report has started. A woman speaks from the hot pink device about Trump, about taxes, and about something a government minister has said. And then, ‘we report that two campervans have had a fatal collision on State Highway One ….’

Barbara gasps. Joan? But, no, she need not worry. Of course her sister wouldn’t be involved in a crash. Of course not.

The report continues: more political stories,then sport.

Joan will surely call soon, and interrupt Barbara, just like she always does. Her sister will have a long complicated story about some calamity that was of her own making, and speak so loudly that Barbara’s ears will hurt.

It’s now the weather, and the traffic report. From the echoes of time, Barbara hears her father’s voice: your sister is your responsibility.

Still nothing.

Joan? She thinks. Please call me. You can even message me through FarmTown, I promise I won’t mind.

Still nothing. And now the 9am report is over – she has listened to it, all the way through, without interruptions.

Barbara takes a deep breath, and reaches for her phone.

She turns the radio off.

Lauren Keenan (Te Āti Awa ki Taranaki) is an award-winning writer of historical fiction for both children and adults, as well as historical non-fiction.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

MIL OSI

Rough sleepers fear being pushed to unfamiliar suburbs as government considers central Auckland ban

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Source: Radio New Zealand

Auckland CBD’s rough sleepers worry they will be kicked out of the city. (File photo) RNZ / Luke McPake

A tougher stance on rough sleepers in Auckland’s central city has some homeless people fearing they will be pushed out to unfamiliar suburbs where they could struggle to survive.

Earlier this week, the government confirmed it was considering new measures that could see people living on Auckland’s city streets forcibly removed.

Opposition parties and housing advocates raised alarm over the prospect of an effective ban on homeless people in CBD’s, warning such an approach only displaced the problem and caused more harm.

Along Queen St and the surrounding blocks, people were still bedding down in shopfronts, bus shelters, and on building steps.

Earlier in the year, an Auckland Council committee declared homelessness a crisis, with support teams working with more than 800 people sleeping rough. Police Minister Mark Mitchell said he supported giving officers more powers to move people on from public spaces.

Outside the Auckland Central City Library on Thursday, 27-year-old Jae sat with his puppy Snoop and said the solution was straightforward: put more money into housing.

“Instead of putting new stuff in the middle of the street, decorations and all, they should put their money into putting us somewhere, instead of kicking us out of the city. That’s the only place we know.”

Jae said forcing people into unfamiliar suburbs risked driving some into criminal activity.

“They’ve already tried to trespass us from the library and that’s, this is where most of the free dinners come. If you get trespassed and you can’t really eat. If they kick us out of the city, then how are we going to eat?

“It’s going to result to other things, like crime.”

Further along the street, 21-year-old Angela said crime might be her only way to survive. She had been in and out of jail for petty offending since she was a teenager.

“If I get moved on from the streets, I will go back to jail. [The government] has been trying, but I would just go back to prison again because of the things I do to survive.”

Nearby, 60-year-old Tane – who had spent decades sleeping rough – agreed moving people on would only make things worse.

Auckland Council has declared homelessness a crisis. (File photo) RNZ / Luke McPake

“This is our home, the streets. If it gets taken away from us, homeless people will probably break into things, they’ll start turning into criminals. They’ll move away from begging and go into criminal world.”

Another man, who had lived on the streets for more than 30 years and asked not to be identified, said shifting people away from the city centre would not solve the problem.

“There’s always places to go, you know, there’s… the country’s quite big. And there’s other streets, there’s other parks, there’s other hills, tracks.”

A few blocks away, John, 71, said the government seemed more focused on appearances than addressing the root causes of homelessness.

“We is what [the government] don’t want the tourists to see. And yet, in their countries, they have the same problem with homeless people. And I’m sure they don’t go around putting them into mental institutions.”

The government said details of its plan to crack down on rough sleeping would be released soon.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said any move-on orders would need to be paired with proper housing and support.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

MIL OSI

Health Ministry accused of sitting on dying state abuse survivor’s redress claim for weeks

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Source: Radio New Zealand

The Ministry of Health is being accused of sitting on a state abuse survivor’s compensation claim. RNZ / Angus Dreaver

The Ministry of Health is being accused of sitting on a state abuse survivor’s compensation claim for weeks, knowing she had cancer and was about to die.

Wellington lawyer Sonja Cooper wrote to the ministry on 7 October, flagging her client had terminal cancer and “weeks left to live”.

“We would appreciate if the Ministry of Health could prioritise assessing [her] claim give the time-limiting circumstances,” the email said.

More than two weeks later, on 23 October, the ministry’s chief legal advisor Phil Knipe wrote back, “confirming that we will look to prioritise the claim”.

Knipe attached a criminal declaration form to his response, asking Cooper Legal to get the dying woman to complete it to “get that out of the way”.

The declaration asks survivors if they’ve been convicted of a violent, sexual or firearms offence for which they were sentenced to more than five years’ jail.

The options for selection are ‘yes’, ‘no’ or ‘unsure’, though it carries a warning that “random criminal conviction history checks will be carried out”.

The coalition has introduced these criminal checks to ensure the granting of financial redress “does not bring the state redress system into disrepute”.

Though a bill to legislate this criminal carve has only passed its first reading, survivors are already being asked to fill them out.

Cooper Legal wrote back to the ministry the day Knipe replied, pushing for an exception to completing this form.

“This is a considerable administrative task, especially considering the delays and hoops to jump through to get a valid form of ID if someone does not already have it.

“Considering [our client] has weeks left to live (and other survivors will be in a similar situation), these delays could be the difference between getting redress or not.”

Knipe replied the next day: “I’m not aware of any plans for an exemption for any survivors…there may be flexibility on the form of ID in those cases where there is a reason why they do not have one of the forms of ID requested.”

Cooper Legal got a signed declaration form to the ministry on Sunday morning. The client died that night.

Wellington lawyer Sonja Cooper. RNZ / Aaron Smale

The Minister leading the Crown’s response to abuse in state care, Erica Stanford, has since confirmed the criminal declaration form applies to all survivors, including those terminally ill.

Though she added: “If there’s anyone that’s been caught up and it’s delaying things, then that’s something I’ll go and talk to my officials about because it shouldn’t.”

Stanford’s office has since come back to RNZ about this case.

“The Crown Response Office has been in touch with the Ministry of Health and reminded them where a person is terminally ill, this exemption process exists and should be used.

“We understand the way is clear for the claim to be progressed and the Ministry of Health will be in contact with Cooper Legal to progress it.”

A Ministry of Health spokesperson said: “Our thoughts are with the claimant’s whānau and friends at this time.

“The ministry has passed on its regret to the law firm representing the claimant that the claim was unable to be completed within time. The ministry has been treating this claim with urgency since it was received on 7 October.

“We sought clarification from the Crown Response Office regarding the ministerial exemption process and will ensure this is also followed for any future cases involving claimants with terminal conditions.

“We are working to finalise the claim as quickly as possible.”

The Minister leading the Crown’s response to abuse in state care, Erica Stanford. RNZ / Mark Papalii

Cooper said the system was “abhorrent”.

“Why should somebody who is terminally ill, hospitalised, unable to move, in their last few weeks or months of life, why should they be put through this additional hurdle to get redress when it is hard enough, in any event, to go through the redress processes.

“I just think it’s abhorrent and it just shows a complete lack of humanity on the part of the state, once again, towards survivors it abused, mostly as children, but also as vulnerable adults, in its care.”

The government has received one expedition request on the basis of a survivor being terminally ill to date. It was approved the day it was made.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

MIL OSI

Former Green MP Kevin Hague returns as party’s new chief of staff

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Source: Radio New Zealand

Greens Party’s new chief of staff Kevin Hague. RNZ / Samuel Rillstone

Former Green MP Kevin Hague is returning to politics to be the party’s new chief of staff.

In a social media post on Thursday, Hague said he was coming “out of retirement” to take up the role after Eliza Prestidge-Oldfield stepped down.

Hague said his home would remain on the West Coast, but he would also be setting up a “second base” in the capital.

“Got any furniture you want to sell? I will pick up the reins in a couple of weeks.”

Hague entered Parliament as a list MP in 2008. Despite being considered a frontrunner for the party’s co-leadership in 2015, he was beaten by James Shaw.

Hague left a year later to become the chief executive of environmental organisation Forest and Bird.

The party has not had a permanent chief of staff since September when Prestidge-Oldfield resigned.

At the time, co-leader Marama Davidson said Prestidge-Oldfield had left “to focus on her health, well-being and her whānau”.

“This has not been an easy decision for her to make, given the huge contribution that Eliza has made to the Green Party over many years,” Davidson said.

“However, the party fully supports her decision to prioritise her health and whānau.”

The opposition party has had a fairly high turnover of staff this term. Its director of communications Louis Day also resigned several weeks after Prestidge-Oldfield.

“I felt that now was the right time for me to move on from Parliament and take a bit of a break before finding a new challenge for my career,” Day said in an email to journalists.

“I leave with a lot of love for the co-leaders, MPs and party, as well as a lot of hope for the Green movement I have had the privilege of being part of for almost four years now.”

RNZ understands another member of the party’s media team has also recently departed. The Greens also saw an exodus of senior staff in early 2024 connected to the resignation of then-co-leader James Shaw.

The Green Party has had a particularly difficult time since the 2023 election.

The term has been marked by scandals and resignations: Golriz Ghahraman quit after being accused, and later convicted, of shop-lifting. Darleen Tana was ejected from Parliament amid allegations of migrant exploitation at her husband’s bicycle business.

Most recently, Benjamin Doyle quit Parliament after facing threats of violence and abuse in response to historical social media posts. In a valedictory speech last week, Doyle described Parliament as a “hostile and toxic” environment.

The party has also been struck by tragedy: Fa’anānā Efeso Collins suddenly died in February 2024, and Davidson took time off for treatment after being diagnosed with breast cancer.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

MIL OSI

Behind the education overhaul: Outcry reveals deep divisions in the sector

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Source: Radio New Zealand

Dr Michael Johnston is a senior fellow at the policy think tank New Zealand Initiative. New Zealand Initiative

Many agree NZ’s education is below par, but how to fix it is the subject of major conflict – as the government’s proposed curriculum has made clear

When Michael Johnston stepped onto the stage to speak at an education conference last week, the crowd was tetchy and tense. He wasn’t expecting a warm reception but for the first time in his long career in education, he was heckled and booed, according to one bystander.

Johnston is the lead educator for the think tank The New Zealand Initiative, and has played a key role in drawing up the government’s controversial draft curriculum, while the audience at last week’s UpliftEd event has largely been opposed to the overhaul.

He says he was invited to the conference several months ago by the organisers Aotearoa Educators Collective to speak about the state of boys’ education, “a much-neglected equity gap”.

“The reason I agreed to do it is I don’t think there’s enough talking across the aisles in education and I was very keen to try to bridge the gap.

“I’m not sure that worked but that was my intention,” Johnston tells The Detail.

Newsroom’s political editor Laura Walters was at the conference and says he was booed and heckled. Johnston says that’s an exaggeration, and the audience was mixed in its response. He challenges suggestions that he represents a right wing think tank.

“I would say what we are is a classical liberal think tank. We give policy advice to any political party who wants to talk to us. You know, [Labour leader] Chris Hipkins spoke at our members’ retreat earlier this year so it’s not true that we only talk to the right wing parties.”

Education minister Erica Stanford. RNZ / Mark Papalii

The incident reflects deep divisions in the sector over the contentious curriculum, labelled by critics as racist, deeply concerning, absolutely ridiculous and more.

In the latest development, the government’s decided to cut the requirement of school boards to give effect to the Treaty of Waitangi, a move that has shocked and angered some in the sector who say it will put Māori content in danger and undermine efforts to lift Māori students’ achievement.

Other areas of contention cross from arts to technology to Physical Education.

The full draft for Years 0 to 10 has been released in the last week and is open for consultation for the next six months, before a phased rollout over the next three years.

“To call it an education reform or overhaul wouldn’t be overstating it,” says Newsroom’s Walters. “What the government is asking teachers and principals and educators to do is pretty massive and educators don’t feel like they’re being listened to.”

She points to a loss of goodwill over the past two years between the government and the ministry on one side, and teachers and educators on the other.

“I can understand and I wasn’t surprised by that immediate and broad pushback from the sector that feel like they’re being asked to rush through these massive reforms at pace, that they’re not getting the support that they need; that they’re not being listened to.

“Meanwhile, they’re dealing with the day-to-day, these classrooms with children who have high learning needs, high behavioural needs. You kind of have to put the pushback or the reaction into that context.”

Johnston says the criticism is loud but it is not widespread or a balanced reflection of the sector.

“I suspect it isn’t a majority of teachers and principals but certainly there’s a lot of noise generated by some.

“I’ve talked to a lot of principals myself, I’ve been around the country in the last weeks and months and had a lot of conversations. A lot of principals are very supportive and certainly think things like this are urgently needed,” he says.

He believes there are legitimate concerns about the pace of change and the extent to which teachers will have to shift their practise.

“They’re going to need support to do that, so I understand that side of the worry. It needs to be backed with the right resources.”

For the past 18 months Johnston has been part of the curriculum coherence group, a panel convened by the Ministry of Education to review the rewrite.

“We look at the documents that the writers produce and comment on them from the point of view of knowledge-rich curriculum design, mostly.”

He explains the often-used phrase “knowledge-rich” means the content is carefully selected to be representative of a subject and that it is correctly sequenced.

“It’s knowledge that is related to other knowledge, so that when children learn it … it is built on what they already know.”

Walters says a lot has been dumped on the sector and teachers and principals need time to digest the details.

“I think that there will be more nuance and more context and a better understanding that will flow through over the next couple of weeks. It’s really unclear as to whether they will actually change their stance.”

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Labour promises to make cervical screening free for everyone

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Source: Radio New Zealand

Labour health spokesperson Ayesha Verrall. RNZ / Samuel Rillstone

Labour is promising to make cervical screening free for everyone, if elected, through its previously-announced Medicard scheme.

Health spokesperson Ayesha Verrall said the move would help prevent cancers and avoid costly hospital treatments.

“Each year 175 New Zealanders are diagnosed with cervical cancer and 55 die from it. Almost every case is preventable with better uptake of cervical screening and vaccination,” she said.

“Free cervical screening means earlier diagnosis, lives saved, and less pressure on our hospitals.”

Under the policy, from October 2027, anyone eligible for screening would be able to access it at no cost by presenting their Medicard at their local doctor or community screening event.

Cervical screening is available for people aged 25 to 69 every five years. The test is currently free for Māori and Pacific people, Community Services Card holders, and those aged 30 and over who have never been screened or are overdue.

The policy would make it free for the remaining half.

Labour estimated the expansion would cost $21.6 million in its first year, to be funded from within the existing health budget.

The policy is one which Labour also campaigned on at the 2023 election.

“Today, we’re committing to finishing the job and making sure that there’s free screening for everyone who needs cervical screening,” Verrall said.

She said when last in government, Labour had introduced self-test options, and extended free screening criteria.

She said the self-testing had been a “game changer” for screening, and removing the costs for Pacific women had led to a 20 percent increase in screening rates.

“Now that women, we’re screening ourselves, it’s very hard to argue that we should have to pay, and it’s never been right that cervical screening is the only screening programme where the users have to pay.”

New Zealand has committed to eliminate cervical cancer by 2030.

“Free cervical screening and HPV vaccination will help us reach that goal,” Verrall said.

“Labour’s Medicard is about making sure every New Zealander can get the care they need, when they need it.”

Labour announced its proposed Medicard in September, promising to use revenue from a new targeted capital gains tax to provide every New Zealander three free GP visits a year.

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Implementation of boot camp rushed, report concludes

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Source: Radio New Zealand

An example of the military style uniform the youths in the pilot were required to wear. RNZ / Rachel Helyer-Donaldson

The final evaluation for the government’s military-style boot camps found it was too small to provide any meaningful data, and its implementation was rushed.

The 82-page report says the pilot contributed to “meaningful and positive change” for the young people involved, while acknowledging the cohort was too small to draw firm conclusions. It also highlighted a range of barriers and challenges to achieving outcomes.

Those barriers included rushed implementation, challenging transitions, a lack of continuity around therapeutic support, a lack of capacity in the residential phase, and support for whānau began too late before the rangatahi returned home.

It also noted the efforts to include te ao Māori and te reo Māori were valued but “didn’t go far enough” given” all the MSA pilot participants were rangatahi Māori and several were fluent te reo Māori speakers.”

It wouldn’t publish the overall reoffending rate, but said the majority of the MSA cohort reoffended within two months of release into the community.

The pilot programme for a cohort of the country’s most serious offenders aged between 14 and 17 started at the end of July in 2024, and finished in August 2025. During the pilot participants ran away, one was kicked out of the programme and another was killed in a three-vehicle crash.

The military style academies for youth had also come under scrutiny by opposition parties for a lack of transparency, particularly the reoffending rate of the teenagers. Reducing reoffending was a primary goal for the boot camps.

Seven of the 10 young men involved in the controversial military-style academy (MSA) boot camp pilot reoffended, according to Oranga Tamariki.

The final report summarised evaluation findings for the full pilot and focused on planning, implementation, to what degree the MSAs contributed to meaningful change, and what key factors should be included in future programmes.

Information for the report built on interviews previously conducted, and data collection took place during the final three months of the community phase, between June and August this year.

The participants themselves were all male, all were Māori, and two also had Pacific and New Zealand European ancestry, most were 17 years old with two younger participants (14 and 15).

Six out of ten of the young people had ADHD either diagnosed or suspected. Three of those diagnosed were unmedicated. Other learning difficulties among the cohort also included auditory processing challenges for example.

Mental health issues were noted for several young people including difficulty regulating emotions, anxiety, suicidality and PTSD. Almost all had substance abuse noted in their assessments.

The findings

The report asked “to what degree did the MSA pilot contribute to meaningful change?”

It stated the pilot had been successful in “testing new ideas” and “generating learnings” relevant to other Youth Justice Residences and future programmes.

“Overall, evidence from qualitative interviews, clinical assessments and reoffending data indicate MSA has contributed to meaningful and positive change for rangatahi.

“Reductions in frequency and seriousness of offending were potential changes in the trajectories of MSA rangatahi and showed progress towards longer-term outcomes.”

It noted, however, longer term follow ups were required as well as a higher number of participants to “confirm conclusions about effectiveness.”

It also listed a range of barriers and challenges to achieving outcomes and a sustainable programme. These were:

  • Insufficient time for implementation: Short timeframes impacted the translation of the MSA design into implementation. Their impact was evident in kaimahi working to design the residential phase as they delivered it, the extraordinary effort required to deliver the residential phase and the pressure on kaimahi. Preparation for transition and whānau support began late which impacted the quality of transitions and preparation for rangatahi in the community. Timeframes also meant social workers were not involved in the residential phase or adequately prepared for their roles in supporting rangatahi in the community.
  • Transitions were a challenge: Transitions represented a large shift away from a highly structured environment with minimal risks to a less structured environment where risks like mates, social media, drugs and alcohol were present. Intensive support through the transition period addressed the risks but a step between the residential phase and community phase like supported living could further reduce risk.
  • Continuity of therapeutic support: Lack of continuity of therapeutic support also meant work focusing on criminogenic factors could not continue in the community phase. Continuation of therapeutic support was not clearly assigned to any role though Oranga Tamariki expected some support to be provided by mentors and social workers. However, capacity and clinical skills limited the extent mentors and social workers could provide therapeutic support.
  • Clinical capacity in the residential phase: The clinical team could not deliver the planned individual interventions in the residential phase due to insufficient capacity. Additional clinical capacity would also have strengthened transition planning.
  • Whānau intervention: The need to support whānau to provide a positive environment for rangatahi in the community was highlighted in the MSA design but support began too late in the residential phase for significant change to be made before rangatahi returned home.

The report acknowledged that allowing more time for the design could have “strengthened” the pilot implementation, and would have “allowed the design to be fully realised in implementation.”

RNZ revealed last year the pilot programme was still in its design phase the month before it was due to start.

“The short timeframes for design and implementation limited the extent some of the key elements of the MSA design could be fully realised including transition planning, preparation for the community

phase, and whānau support,” the report stated.

“Timeframes therefore also limited the extent the evaluation could reach conclusions about the MSA design and implementation.”

The report also said the cultural elements of the design could be “strengthened to better meet the needs of rangatahi Māori.”

Efforts were made to include te ao Māori and te reo Māori in the bootcamp, and those efforts were valued the report stated, but “they did not go far enough given all the MSA pilot participants were rangatahi Māori and several were fluent te reo Māori speakers”.

“Building MSA on te ao Māori rather than adding components in may have strengthened the fit with the MSA cohort and increased engagement.

“Rangitāne iwi, although experienced in youth justice support, were not included early in the design process. Involving tangata whenua in the design earlier would strengthen both cultural and other aspects of the programme and increase the focus on te ao Māori.”

RNZ revealed last year Oranga Tamariki had acknowledged it should have engaged with mana whenua earlier in the process.

On transitions, an “early challenge” were delays in preparation of living environments and the physical needs identified in transition plans.

The report indicated failure to provide the needs identified in the transition plans “eroded rangatahi trust as they felt like ‘broken promises’.” Stakeholders blamed a lack of funding availability.

Some aspects of unprepared plans were described as a lack of basic essentials.

“Rangatahi moving into independent living found that when they arrived their accommodation was not prepared with the necessities such as food for the first days, furniture, plates and cutlery. Internet connections took weeks to be arranged in some cases.”

The evaluation drew on data from psychometric assessments, interviews with kaimahi, rangatahi and whānau, and Oranga Tamariki analysis of Police proceedings data.

“All sources showed indications of positive change for the MSA cohort. Larger numbers and longer-term analysis are needed to draw stronger conclusions about effectiveness.”

The positive changes that were demonstrated included involvement in education, work experience and employment, as well as improved wairua (spiritual), physical and mental health, reconnection with whānau and stable living situtions.

The Minister in charge, Karen Chhour RNZ / Angus Dreaver

Reoffending

The minister in charge, Karen Chhour, has consistently backed the pilot, saying it was about giving young people a chance. Chhour has also said future programmes would take on board what had worked well in the pilot, and learn from what hadn’t worked well.

Chhour rejected the notion reducing reoffending was a primary objective, saying the primary objective was to try stop young people entering the correction system.

Following the death of one participant in a car accident – and another escaping from custody, who then went on to allegedly reoffend alongside a third participant – Oranga Tamariki announced they would only provide public updates “at appropriate times through the community stage.”

Military-style academy programmes lead Janet Mays said, going into the pilot, Oranga Tamariki was “realistic about the likelihood of re-offending”.

“We have previously confirmed that seven of the participants re-offended to a threshold that required them to return to residence for a time. 

“One of our key aims was to see a reduction in the frequency and severity of offending by these rangatahi.”

The report stated the overall reoffending rate wouldn’t be included because “Oranga Tamariki protocol is to not cite any statistics that have the potential to identify a young person.”

However, the report noted the majority of the MSA cohort reoffended within two months of release into the community, but it said there were “positive differences” to the matched Supervision with Residence (SwR) in a Youth Justice Residence cohort, a group of rangatahi with similar characteristics and offending history.

Comparing the six-months before the residential phase to the six-months after release showed:

  • Time before reoffending increased: MSA rangatahi were slower to reoffend compared to the matched SwR cohort.
  • Seriousness of offending decreased: Two-thirds (67%) of MSA rangatahi reduced the maximum seriousness of their offending compared to only 22% of the matched SwR cohort.
  • Violent offending reduced: (including robbery-related offences and injury causing acts) by MSA rangatahi reduced by two-thirds (67%) in the six-months after exiting residence compared to the six-months before entering residence.
  • Combined view of reoffending results: Five (59%) of the nine rangatahi on the MSA pilot reduced the frequency, total seriousness and maximum seriousness of their offending compared to only two (22%) of the nine matched SwR cohort.

In terms of the reoffending itself, some was considered minor with “some more serious.” Many of the teenagers had described how hard they tried to stay out.

“I tried to change but f**k it’s hard … I tried to stay out, but it didn’t last very long,” one said.

“I always think I’m not going to get caught. I know I can stop. I was a dumb c**t then, when I was 13. I’ve matured since then. Everyone always regrets what they do. I do a little bit. Got some money, clothes, shopping. I don’t get the adrenaline rush anymore. I get paranoid,” another said.

A small number of the cohort didn’t return to a Youth Justice Residence, and this was seen as an achievement for the MSA.

Finally, the report acknowledged the “stable cohort” of rangatahi in the MSA had contributed to safety in the residential phase and supported the therapeutic focus. It said there were no fights between rangatahi or with the workers in the residential phase.

“This result was markedly different from other Youth Justice Residences where physical conflict between rangatahi or with kaimahi were regular occurrences.”

MSA programmes lead Janet Mays said the pilot aimed to help a “small group of serious and persistent young offenders turn their lives around, by giving them increased structure and support through an intensive intervention. “

The “full wraparound programme” combined therapeutic care, intensive mentorship and whānau engagement. 

“The young people were encouraged to develop new skills, and move into education, training or employment.”

Minister responds

Chhour said the findings from the independent report showed “why it was an important and worthwhile pilot”.

She said the reality for young serious offenders was a “pathway to adult Corrections” and a lifetime in and out of incarceration, “unless they are given a chance to turn their lives around and take that chance”.

“This programme has been that chance.”

She said the data was clear that two of the nine young people had not reoffended, and the majority of the nine young people were currently in the community. She said they re-offended during the pilot phase, but had “not done so since.”

“All of the nine young people expressed a desire to not reoffend and have been taught greater coping skills and provided with mentorship.”

Chhour said the government was reviewing the pilot while it was operating, and had taken on “learnings” from its successes.

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Former Te Pāti Māori staffer Eru Kapa-Kingi doubles down on leadership shortcomings

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Source: Radio New Zealand

Eru Kapa-Kingi claims the party had an executive and leadership model that “thinks it’s beyond critique”. Image courtesy of Te Tari o te Kiingitanga

Former Te Pāti Māori staffer Eru Kapa-Kingi has taken to social media to defend his criticism of party leadership, saying – despite knowing he’d be “dragged through the media” – he stands by claims that it had become “extremely toxic” and “veered completely” off path.

He says Te Pāti Māori supporters “deserve better” and party president John Tamihere is “not the guy to get us to Hawaiki hou” – the future those supporters imagine – calling again for new leadership and executive model.

Amid weeks of turmoil, party president John Tamihere acknowledged there was “a process in play” for the two MPs co-leader Rawiri Waititi called “rogue” to be expelled from the party, while a petition called for Tamihere to stand down, with allegations of intimidation and financial mismanagement.

Kapa-Kingi – the son of the Te Tai Tokerau MP Mariameno Kapa-Kingi – said he knew Tamihere in particular would use “lies” and “half-truths” to paint him as an “entitled, spoiled individual, who’s just after status or power or whatever”.

“Even though I knew that this was all going to play out in this way, I didn’t care and I still don’t care,” he said. “There might be some kind of reputational damage, but I’ve never really given any shit about that.”

He doubled down on his crtique of the party, saying he understood how Tamihere could “use power to try and silence people”. He described seeing “firsthand” how those behaviours played out, while working for the party.

“I saw how he [Tamihere] and the leaders would speak to other MPs, how they would treat kaimahi [workers], staffers, many of whom approached me, privately and in confidence, sharing their experiences of feeling absolutely unsafe in their work environment, because of this power dynamic that favoured the leaders, the executive, heavily.”

He claimed there was no opportunity for “genuine accountability for the toxic behaviors and environment in that office space”.

He said the party had an executive and leadership model that “thinks it’s beyond critique”, “beyond accountability”, and “beyond improving and learning”.

Kapa-Kingi said he’d been asked by many for the “receipts”, after his initial accusations about a dictatorship model in the party in October and repeated they were not his stories to tell.

He pointed to the late-night email as an example of evidence: “If you’re looking for receipts, just look at what’s happened in the last few weeks, directly against me.”

He described Tamihere, the executive and the co-leaders pressing “the green light” on an email containing information about him.

“Saying that I assaulted a security guard, that I was dismissed from my job in my mum’s office because of that, that my mum paid me 120k through her budget and, because of that, she overspent her budget.

“Every single one of those things is a lie, and it was curated and written in an email, and framed in a way where it looked legit, but it wasn’t.”

He said the email was sent to more than 500 registered members of the party and the party then tried to “play dumb” over the fact the email ended up in mainstream media.

Kapa-Kingi followed up by saying, even if the information was true, what relevance did that have to him accusing the party of having a “toxic leadership environment”.

He said it was an effort to deflect “away from the truth” and not address the internal issues, “which proves my point that this is a leadership beyond accountability, beyond integrity and beyond honesty, and we deserve better”.

“John Tamihere is not the guy that’s going to get us to a Hawaii Hou.”

He called for a “genuine resetting” of the kaupapa, new leadership, a new executive model and a re-empowering of the regions.

“All of their power in the last little while has been concentrated in a handful of people in the national executive and this is the result of it.”

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